T54n2126_大宋僧史略
大正藏第 54 冊 No. 2126 大宋僧史略
No. 2126
僧史略序
贊寧姓高氏。其先渤海人。出家杭之祥符。習南山律。著述毗尼。時謂律虎。賜號明義宗文。太平興國三年。太宗聞其名。召對滋福殿。延問彌日。更賜通慧。敕住右街天壽寺。命修僧史。又詔修大宋高傳三十卷。及三教聖賢事蹟一百卷。又著內典集一百五十卷。外學集四十九卷。內翰王禹你作文集序極其讚美。至道中示寂。崇寧四年。加謚圓明。如僧傳排韻第二十四引釋聞正統第三佛祖通載第十八稽古略第三。惟夫作者以博達之資列事物興廢者凡五十九條。以示諸新學。可謂千載趙璧矣。從事佛乘者。誰得不仰餘光乎。然而本書但有慶長舊板一本而已。流行亦甚寡矣。頒典教社諸士竊慨嘆之。將改刻弘於世。囑予以校訂。予也拙陋豈能得盡之乎哉。茍有不可者則待后鑒。適為寒鄉乏書者。揭作者略傳。併爲此之序。 時治治十六年四月佛生日沙門行誡識於三緣山山房
重開僧史略序
佛書所載。地獄鬼畜．北俱盧州．長壽天．佛前佛後生．便盲．聾．喑．啞．世智辯聰．不信譭謗佛法僧者。名八難處。又曰八無暇。蓋生其處者。障難深重無暇修心。不知正法。長劫驅驅輪迴不息故也。是知世
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本 大正藏第 54 冊 No. 2126 大宋僧史略
No. 2126
僧史略序
贊寧（Zanning），姓高氏，祖先是渤海人。在杭州祥符寺出家，學習南山律宗，著述關於戒律的著作，當時被稱為『律虎』。被賜予『明義宗文』的稱號。太平興國三年，太宗皇帝聽聞他的名聲，在滋福殿召見，連續詢問多日，又賜予『通慧』的稱號，敕令他住在右街天壽寺，命令他修撰《僧史》。又詔令他修撰《大宋高僧傳》三十卷，以及《三教聖賢事蹟》一百卷。又著有《內典集》一百五十卷，《外學集》四十九卷。內翰王禹偁（Wang Yucheng）為他的文集作序，極盡讚美之詞。至道年間圓寂，崇寧四年，加謚『圓明』。如同《僧傳排韻》第二十四引釋聞正統第三，《佛祖通載》第十八，《稽古略》第三。作者憑藉廣博通達的才資，列舉事物興衰，總共五十九條，以此來昭示給各位新學者，真可謂是千載難遇的趙璧啊！從事佛乘的人，誰能不仰慕他的光輝呢？然而本書只有慶長年間的舊版本一本而已，流傳也很少。頒典教社的各位人士私下感嘆這件事，打算重新刊刻，弘揚於世，囑託我進行校訂。我才疏學淺，怎麼能完全做好呢？如果有什麼不妥當的地方，就留待後人評鑑吧。恰好為寒冷偏遠地區缺少書籍的人，揭示作者的簡略傳記，並寫下這篇序言。時為治治十六年四月佛誕日，沙門行誡識於三緣山山房。
重開僧史略序
佛經所記載的地獄、餓鬼、畜生，北俱盧洲（Beijuluzhou），長壽天（Changshoutian），在佛前佛後出生，天生盲、聾、喑、啞，世俗的智慧和辯才，不相信和譭謗佛法僧的人，被稱為八難之處，又叫做八無暇。因為生在這些地方的人，障礙深重，沒有空閑修心，不能瞭解正法，長久地在輪迴中奔波，沒有止息。所以要知道世
【English Translation】 English version T 54 No. 2126 A Brief History of the Sangha of the Great Song Dynasty
No. 2126
Preface to A Brief History of the Sangha
Zanning (Zanning)'s surname was Gao, and his ancestors were from Bohai. He became a monk at Xiangfu Temple in Hangzhou, studied the Nan Shan Vinaya School, and wrote about the Vinaya. At that time, he was called 'Vinaya Tiger'. He was given the title 'Mingyi Zongwen'. In the third year of the Taiping Xingguo era, Emperor Taizong heard of his reputation and summoned him to the Zifu Hall, where he questioned him for many days. He was further granted the title 'Tonghui' and ordered to reside in Tianshou Temple on the right street. He was ordered to compile 'A Brief History of the Sangha'. He was also ordered to compile thirty volumes of 'Biographies of Eminent Monks of the Great Song Dynasty', as well as one hundred volumes of 'Deeds of Sages and Worthies of the Three Teachings'. He also wrote one hundred and fifty volumes of 'Collections of Inner Canons' and forty-nine volumes of 'Collections of Outer Studies'. The inner scholar Wang Yucheng (Wang Yucheng) wrote a preface to his collection of essays, praising him to the utmost. He passed away during the Zhidao era, and in the fourth year of Chongning, he was posthumously given the title 'Yuanming'. It is like the twenty-fourth reference in 'Rhyming Biographies of Monks' citing the third of Shi Wenzheng's lineage, the eighteenth of 'Comprehensive Records of Buddhas and Patriarchs', and the third of 'A Brief Examination of Antiquity'. The author, with his extensive and thorough knowledge, listed the rise and fall of events, totaling fifty-nine items, to show to the new scholars. It can be said to be a rare Zhao璧 (Zhao Bi) of a thousand years! Those engaged in the Buddha-vehicle, who can not admire his glory? However, this book only has one old version from the Keicho era, and its circulation is very limited. The gentlemen of the Ban Dian Jiao Society privately lamented this matter and planned to re-engrave it and promote it to the world, entrusting me to proofread it. I am shallow and ignorant, how can I do it completely? If there is anything inappropriate, it will be left for later generations to judge. Just for those in cold and remote areas who lack books, reveal the author's brief biography and write this preface. At the time of the Buddha's birthday in April of the sixteenth year of Zhizhi, the Shramana Xingjie recorded it at the Sanyuan Mountain hermitage.
Preface to the Reopening of A Brief History of the Sangha
The hells, hungry ghosts, animals, Uttarakuru (Beijuluzhou), heavens of long life (Changshoutian), those born before or after the Buddha, those who are born blind, deaf, mute, or dumb, worldly wisdom and eloquence, those who do not believe in and slander the Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha are called the eight difficult places, also called the eight no-leisure places. Because those born in these places have deep obstacles, have no time to cultivate their minds, cannot understand the true Dharma, and are constantly running in the cycle of reincarnation without ceasing. Therefore, it is important to know the world
聰俗慧不達佛書。則理昧正真事同盲聵。矜伐炫耀自為已能。沮善詆僧佛所不救。生遭貶謫死入阿鼻。違逆皇天招延世亂。皆此輩也。致亂皆因蠹善。具載佛書 本朝王內翰(禹你)。生平著述排詆釋氏。雖唐韓退之吾宋歐永叔佛書所謂天魔波旬闡提外道。無以加也。間遇英傑之僧。亦心重之。余嘗讀王公(偊你)文集。有贈僧錄通慧學公詩曰。詔修僧史浙江濱。萬卷書中老一身。赴闕尚騎支遁馬。援毫應待仲尼麟。溟濛雪彩松窗曉。狼籍苔花竹院春。還許幽齋暫相訪。便令陶令滿衣塵。其意竊比陶彭澤謁遠法師故事。而自高之也。歐陽文忠公亦錄王內翰寧僧錄元夜觀燈嘲謔之言。有秦鄭不愛未坑之語。王又述寧之墓誌。則有心慕誠服之意。敘寧有文集一百七十卷。見行於世。王之毀僧破佛。蜂蠆梟獍吠堯彈鳳。天下皆知矣。獨于通慧友愛相師。賦詩述銘以褒美之何也。蓋通慧學行才識兼類。相求自相友愛耳。且世諦文章未知其高下。其于學佛明心博通大教。王必不及也。且夫釋氏橫闊勝大之言。包羅法界洞徹鄰虛。斷惑出纏冥真會聖。永拋輪轉長挹愛河。出萬劫之迷津。脫四魔之見網。歷劫災而不壞。與虛空而並存。與夫世文寔霄壤矣。佛之利見也。應大機則重重華藏剎剎分形。接小凡則丈六化身三千界主。所以宣
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 那些愚昧無知的人，不通曉佛經，那麼他們的理解就會偏離正道，所作所為如同盲人一般。他們還自以為是，到處炫耀，對於勸善的行為進行阻撓，對於僧人進行詆譭，這是佛也無法拯救的。這樣的人活著的時候會遭受貶謫，死後會墮入阿鼻地獄。他們違背天意，招致世間的混亂，這些都是這類人造成的。導致混亂的原因都是因為這些人破壞善良。這些都詳細記載在佛經中。 本朝的王內翰（禹你），平生所著述的文章都是爲了排斥和詆譭佛教。即使是唐朝的韓愈和宋朝的歐陽修，與佛經中所說的天魔（指障礙修行的惡魔）波旬（欲界第六天之主），闡提（斷善根的人）和外道相比，也沒有更過分的了。但他偶爾遇到傑出的僧人，也會非常敬重。我曾經讀過王公（偊你）的文集，其中有一首贈送給僧錄通慧學公的詩，詩中寫道：『奉旨修撰僧史在浙江，萬卷書中耗盡一生。赴京面聖還騎著支遁的馬，起草文書應該等待仲尼的麒麟。朦朧雪景映照著松樹下的窗戶，零落的苔蘚點綴著竹林庭院的春天。希望允許我到您幽靜的住所拜訪，讓我的衣衫沾滿陶淵明那樣的塵土。』這首詩的意思是把自己比作陶淵明拜訪遠法師的故事，以此來抬高自己。歐陽文忠公也記錄了王內翰嘲笑寧僧錄元夜觀燈的言語，其中有『秦鄭不愛未坑』這樣的句子。而王內翰又撰寫了寧僧錄的墓誌，其中又流露出內心仰慕和誠服的意思。記載寧僧錄的文集有一百七十卷，流傳於世。王內翰詆譭僧人，破壞佛教，就像蜂、蝎、梟、狼一樣，對著堯帝狂吠，彈射鳳凰，天下人都知道。唯獨對於通慧友愛相待，以師禮相待，賦詩撰寫墓誌來褒獎他，這是為什麼呢？大概是因為通慧的學識、品行和才能兼備，所以他們互相欣賞，互相友愛吧。況且世俗的文章還不知道誰高誰低，但要論到學佛明心，博通佛法大教，王內翰肯定不如通慧。而且佛教博大精深的言論，包羅整個法界，洞察虛空，斷除迷惑，脫離束縛，與真理相合，與聖賢相會，永遠擺脫輪迴，長久地沐浴在慈悲的河流中，脫離萬劫的迷途，擺脫四魔的羅網，經歷劫難也不會毀壞，與虛空一同存在。這與世俗的文章相比，實在是天壤之別。佛的顯現，應大根器之人，則在重重華藏世界，在每個剎土都分化出形體；接引小根器之人，則化現為丈六金身，成為三千世界之主。所以宣...
【English Translation】 English version: Those who are foolish and ignorant, not understanding the Buddhist scriptures, their understanding will deviate from the right path, and their actions will be like those of the blind. They are also self-righteous, showing off everywhere, obstructing good deeds, and slandering monks, which even the Buddha cannot save. Such people will suffer demotion while alive and fall into Avici Hell after death. They violate the will of Heaven and bring about worldly chaos, all of which are caused by such people. The cause of chaos is because these people destroy goodness. These are all recorded in detail in the Buddhist scriptures. In this dynasty, Wang Neihan (Yu Ni), throughout his life, wrote articles to reject and slander Buddhism. Even Han Yu of the Tang Dynasty and Ouyang Xiu of the Song Dynasty, compared to the heavenly demons (referring to demons that hinder practice), Mara (the lord of the sixth heaven of the desire realm), Icchantikas (those who have severed their roots of goodness), and heretics mentioned in the Buddhist scriptures, were no more excessive. However, he occasionally encountered outstanding monks and would respect them very much. I once read Wang Gong's (Yu Ni) collection of essays, in which there was a poem presented to the Sangharakshita Tonghui Xuegong, which read: 'Commissioned to compile the history of monks in Zhejiang, spending a lifetime in ten thousand volumes of books. Going to the capital to meet the emperor, still riding Zhi Dun's horse, drafting documents should wait for Confucius's Qilin. The hazy snow scene reflects the windows under the pine trees, and the scattered moss adorns the spring of the bamboo courtyard. I hope you will allow me to visit your secluded residence, so that my clothes will be covered with dust like Tao Yuanming.' The meaning of this poem is to compare himself to Tao Yuanming visiting the distant Dharma master, in order to elevate himself. Ouyang Wenzhong Gong also recorded Wang Neihan's words ridiculing Ning Sangharakshita's Lantern Festival night viewing, including sentences such as 'Qin Zheng did not love and did not bury'. However, Wang Neihan wrote Ning Sangharakshita's epitaph, which revealed his inner admiration and sincerity. The records of Ning Sangharakshita's collection of essays have one hundred and seventy volumes, which are circulated in the world. Wang Neihan slandered monks and destroyed Buddhism, like bees, scorpions, owls, and wolves, barking at Emperor Yao and shooting at the Phoenix, which everyone in the world knows. Only towards Tonghui did he treat each other with friendship and respect, treating him as a teacher, composing poems and writing epitaphs to praise him. Why is this? Probably because Tonghui's knowledge, character, and talent were all-encompassing, so they appreciated and loved each other. Moreover, the secular articles do not know who is high and who is low, but when it comes to learning Buddhism, clarifying the mind, and being well-versed in the great teachings of Buddhism, Wang Neihan is certainly not as good as Tonghui. Moreover, the broad and profound words of Buddhism encompass the entire Dharma realm, penetrate the void, cut off delusions, escape bondage, unite with truth, meet with sages, forever get rid of reincarnation, and bathe in the river of compassion for a long time, escape the maze of ten thousand kalpas, escape the net of the four demons, and will not be destroyed even after experiencing kalpas, and exist together with the void. Compared with secular articles, this is really a world of difference. The manifestation of the Buddha, in response to those with great roots, manifests forms in the multiple Hua-藏 worlds, in every k剎土; to receive those with small roots, it transforms into a sixteen-foot golden body, becoming the lord of the three thousand worlds. Therefore, proclaim...
尼推為至聖。老氏尊之竺干吾師號佛覺一切民也。溥天慈父覆育群倫。超出世間之大聖人也。孔老二聖豈妄推之。蓋見善不及守雌保弱。不敢為天下先之志也。本朝駙馬都尉李度題寺詠佛詩曰。仲尼推至聖。老氏稱古皇。天上及天下。應更無比量。勒碑于相國寺之東廡別院。蓋佛者流光于混元之前。列影向太虛之始。慈雲法雨潤澤群生。千聖樂推萬靈欣奉。宜乎宣尼伯陽聞風而悅。慕德而歸命焉。唐李商隱贊曰。吾儒之師曰魯仲尼。仲尼師聃龍。吾不知聃師竺干。善入無為。稽首正覺吾師師師懿哉儒言知佛者也。經不云乎。除摩利支山。不產栴檀木。好語皆生佛法中。佛未出時。世諦幻法皆無名字。佛之設教。統應群機。撮要而言。不出乎真俗二諦。其真也。詮妙理之格言。究死生之出要。其濟俗也。獎善罰惡。罪福報應。至於治世之書。亦諸佛之遺化也。故經曰。一切世間安民濟物。皆是諸佛。法滅盡后。有婆羅門。採什佛書。安置己典。傳於後世。大千國土各有典彝。在天竺則四韋陀。此土則五經三史之書也。故曰。一切法者皆是佛法。豈徒言哉。如今黃冠剽竊佛經。撰成己教。外道經書半偷佛法。識者盡知矣。唯寧師內外博通真俗雙究。觀師所集。物類相感。志至於微術小伎。亦盡取之。蓋欲學佛遍知一切法也
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 尼推（Nituī，人名）被尊為至聖。老氏（Lǎozǐ，老子）尊稱竺干（Zhúgān，佛陀）為吾師，號為佛，覺悟一切民眾。佛陀是普天之下的慈父，覆育著眾生，是超出世間的大聖人。孔子（Kǒngzǐ）和老子這兩位聖人難道會隨意推崇他嗎？這是因為他們看到了佛陀『見善不及，守雌保弱，不敢為天下先』的志向。本朝駙馬都尉李度（Lǐ Dù，人名）在寺廟題詩詠佛說：『仲尼（Zhòngní，孔子的字）推為至聖，老氏稱古皇。天上及天下，應更無比量。』這詩被刻在相國寺（Xiàngguó Sì，寺廟名）東廡的別院里。佛陀的光芒流淌在混元之前，身影列于太虛之始。慈雲法雨潤澤著眾生，千聖樂於推崇，萬靈欣然奉行。所以孔子和老子聞風而喜悅，仰慕佛陀的德行而歸命於他。唐朝的李商隱（Lǐ Shāngyǐn，人名）讚歎說：『我們儒家的老師是魯仲尼（Lǔ Zhòngní，孔子的字），仲尼的老師是聃龍（Dānlóng，老子的字）。我不知道聃的老師是竺干，善於進入無為的境界。稽首正覺，我的老師的老師真是美好啊！』這些儒家的話語都是瞭解佛陀的人說的。經典不是說過嗎？除了摩利支山（Mólìzhī Shān，山名），不產栴檀木（zhāntánmù，一種香木）。美好的話語都出自佛法之中。佛陀未出世時，世俗的幻法都沒有名字。佛陀的設教，統攝適應各種根器的眾生。概括來說，不出乎真諦和俗諦這二諦。就真諦而言，是詮釋妙理的格言，探究死生之出離的要道。就濟俗而言，是獎賞善行，懲罰惡行，以及罪福報應。至於治理世事的書籍，也是諸佛的遺留教化。所以經典說：『一切世間安定人民、救濟萬物的行為，都是諸佛所為。』佛法滅盡后，有婆羅門（Póluómén，古印度僧侶）採集一些佛經，安置在自己的典籍中，流傳於後世。大千國土各有典章制度，在天竺（Tiānzhú，古印度）是四韋陀（Sì Wéituó，古印度經典），在此土則是五經三史（Wǔjīng Sānshǐ，中國古代儒家經典和史書）。所以說：『一切法都是佛法。』這難道是隨便說說的嗎？如今的黃冠（huángguān，道士）剽竊佛經，撰寫成自己的教義。外道的經書也偷取了一半的佛法。有識之士都知道這些。只有寧師（Níng Shī，人名）內外學識淵博，真俗二諦都深入研究。看寧師所收集的資料，包括物類相感應的知識，甚至於細微的方術小伎倆，也都全部取用。這是因為他想要學習佛陀遍知一切法。
【English Translation】 English version: Nituī is revered as the most holy. Lǎozǐ honors Zhúgān (Buddha) as his teacher, known as Buddha, who enlightens all people. The Buddha is the compassionate father of all under heaven, nurturing all beings, and is the great sage who transcends the world. Would Confucius (Kǒngzǐ) and Lǎozǐ casually praise him? It is because they saw the Buddha's aspiration to 'not be as good as others, to maintain humility and weakness, and not dare to be the first in the world.' Lǐ Dù, the駙馬都尉 (Imperial Son-in-Law Commandant) of this dynasty, wrote a poem in the temple praising the Buddha, saying: 'Zhòngní (Confucius's courtesy name) is regarded as the most holy, Lǎozǐ calls him the ancient emperor. Above and below heaven, there should be no comparison.' This poem is inscribed in the east wing of the Xiàngguó Temple. The Buddha's light flows before the origin of the universe, and his image is placed at the beginning of the great void. The compassionate clouds and dharma rain nourish all beings, and thousands of saints are happy to praise and all spirits are happy to follow. Therefore, Confucius and Lǎozǐ were delighted to hear of him and admired the Buddha's virtue and surrendered to him. Lǐ Shāngyǐn of the Tang Dynasty praised: 'Our Confucian teacher is Lǔ Zhòngní (Confucius's courtesy name), and Zhòngní's teacher is Dānlóng (Lǎozǐ's courtesy name). I do not know that Dān's teacher is Zhúgān, who is good at entering the realm of non-action. I bow to the enlightened one, my teacher's teacher is truly wonderful!' These Confucian words are spoken by those who understand the Buddha. Do the scriptures not say? Apart from Mount Mólìzhī, sandalwood does not grow. Good words all come from the Buddha's teachings. Before the Buddha appeared in the world, worldly illusions had no names. The Buddha's teachings encompass and adapt to all kinds of beings. In summary, it does not go beyond the two truths of ultimate truth and conventional truth. In terms of ultimate truth, it is the aphorism that explains the wonderful principle and explores the essential path to liberation from life and death. In terms of benefiting the world, it is rewarding good deeds, punishing evil deeds, and the retribution of sins and blessings. As for the books on governing the world, they are also the legacy of the Buddhas' teachings. Therefore, the scriptures say: 'All actions in the world that stabilize the people and save all things are done by the Buddhas.' After the Buddha's teachings are extinguished, some Brahmins collect some Buddhist scriptures, place them in their own books, and pass them on to future generations. Each of the great thousand worlds has its own codes and systems. In India, it is the Four Vedas, and in this land, it is the Five Classics and Three Histories. Therefore, it is said: 'All dharmas are the Buddha's teachings.' Is this just a casual saying? Nowadays, the Taoists plagiarize Buddhist scriptures and write their own doctrines. The scriptures of other religions also steal half of the Buddha's teachings. Those who are knowledgeable know this. Only Master Níng is knowledgeable both internally and externally, and deeply studies both the true and conventional truths. Looking at the materials collected by Master Níng, including the knowledge of how things interact with each other, and even the subtle techniques and tricks, he takes them all. This is because he wants to learn the Buddha's all-knowingness of all dharmas.
。崇寧四年。敕加命號。曰東京左街僧錄史館編修圓明通慧大師。以旌其學行。師之所著。唯大宋高僧傳三十卷與僧史略三卷。奉敕入藏頒行。外余多湮沒。兵火之中得斯藏本。佛法事理來歷紀綱。舍此書而弗知也。茍斯文之墜地。顧大法之將沈。由是敢率同袍。興心內護。爰有兩街僧錄鑒義臨安府前後政僧官禪講。同出長財。命工鏤板。附藏流通。因寫王詩歐公之錄。以示方來。使知世智辯聰之流有時而信焉。三教之賢聖。理歸一揆。則八無暇之沉淪尚可救也。故為序之。
紹興十四年甲子四月己巳。如來誕聖日。傳西天三藏法特賜寶覺圓通法濟大師法道 序。
大宋僧史略(並序)
右街僧錄通慧大師贊寧奉 敕撰
夫僧本無史。覺乎弘明二集。可非記言耶。高名僧傳。可非記事耶。言事既全。俱為載筆。原彼東漢。至於我朝。僅一千年。教法污隆。緇徒出沒。富哉事蹟。繁矣言詮。蘊結藏中。從何攸濟(贊寧)以太平興國初。疊奉詔旨。高僧傳外別修僧史。及進育王塔。乘驲到闕。敕居東寺。披覽多暇。遂樹立門題。搜求事類。始乎佛生教法流衍。至於三寶住持諸務事始。一皆隱括。約成三卷。號僧史略焉。蓋取裴子野宋略為目。所恨刪采不周。表明多昧。不可鴻碩寓目。預懼缺然者
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本 崇寧四年（1105年），朝廷下令加封贊寧（Zanning）為『東京左街僧錄史館編修圓明通慧大師』，以此表彰他的學識和品行。贊寧的著作，只有《大宋高僧傳》三十卷和《僧史略》三卷，奉旨收入藏經並頒佈施行。其餘的著作大多已經湮沒。在戰火中得到這部藏本，關於佛法的事理來歷和紀綱，沒有這本書就無從知曉。如果這本書失傳，那麼佛法也將衰落。因此，我敢於帶領同袍，發心護持。於是有兩街僧錄鑒義（Jianyi）和臨安府（Lin'an Fu）的前後政僧官禪講，共同出資，命工匠雕刻印版，附在藏經中流通。因此抄錄王安石（Wang Anshi）的詩和歐陽修（Ouyang Xiu）的序，以示後人，使他們知道世俗的智慧和辯論有時也會相信佛法。儒、釋、道三教的賢聖，道理歸於一致，那麼即使是沉淪於八無暇之處的人，也可以得到救度。所以為此作序。 紹興十四年甲子四月己巳，如來誕生的日子，傳西天三藏法特賜寶覺圓通法濟大師法道（Fadao）序。 《大宋僧史略》（並序） 右街僧錄通慧大師贊寧（Zanning）奉敕撰寫 僧人本來沒有史書。覺明（Jue Ming）和弘明（Hong Ming）二集，難道不是記錄言論嗎？《高名僧傳》，難道不是記錄事蹟嗎？言論和事蹟既然完備，都可以作為記載的材料。追溯到東漢，直到我朝，僅僅一千年，佛教的興衰，僧人的出現和隱沒，事蹟多麼豐富，言論多麼繁多，蘊藏在藏經中，從哪裡可以得到救濟呢？贊寧（Zanning）在太平興國初年，多次奉詔旨，在高僧傳之外另修僧史，以及進獻育王塔（Yuwang Ta），乘坐驛站到達京城，奉旨居住在東寺（Dong Si），有空閑時間披閱典籍，於是樹立門題，搜求事類，從佛陀誕生和教法流傳開始，到三寶住持的各種事務的起始，都加以概括，約成三卷，名為《僧史略》。大概是取裴子野（Pei Ziye）的《宋略》作為書名。所遺憾的是刪減和採擇不夠周全，表明不夠明確。不可以讓鴻碩之士寓目，預先擔心會有缺失。
【English Translation】 English version In the fourth year of Chongning (1105), an imperial edict was issued to bestow upon Zanning (Zanning), the 'Grand Master of Perfect Enlightenment and Universal Wisdom, Compiler of the Historiography Institute of the Left Street Monk Registrar of Tokyo', to commend his learning and conduct. Of Zanning's works, only the thirty volumes of the 'Biographies of Eminent Monks of the Great Song Dynasty' and the three volumes of the 'Brief History of the Sangha' were ordered to be included in the Tripitaka and promulgated. Most of the other works have been lost. This Tripitaka edition was obtained amidst the flames of war. Without this book, the principles, origins, and disciplines of Buddhism would be unknown. If this book were to be lost, then the Great Dharma would decline. Therefore, I dare to lead my fellow monks to protect it with all our hearts. Thus, Jianyi (Jianyi), the monk registrar of the two streets, and the former and current political monks, Chan masters, and lecturers of Lin'an Prefecture (Lin'an Fu), jointly contributed funds to commission craftsmen to carve printing plates and circulate them with the Tripitaka. Therefore, the poems of Wang Anshi (Wang Anshi) and the preface of Ouyang Xiu (Ouyang Xiu) are copied to show to those who come later, so that they may know that worldly wisdom and eloquence sometimes believe in Buddhism. The sages of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism share the same principles, so even those who are mired in the Eight Unfavorable Conditions can be saved. Therefore, I write this preface. On the day of the birth of the Tathagata, the day of Jisi in the fourth month of the Jiazi year of Shaoxing (1144), Fadao (Fadao), the Great Master of Precious Enlightenment, Universal Penetration, Dharma Salvation, specially bestowed by the Tripitaka Master of the Western Heaven, wrote this preface. A Brief History of the Sangha of the Great Song Dynasty (with Preface) Compiled by Zanning (Zanning), the Grand Master of Universal Wisdom, Monk Registrar of the Right Street, by Imperial Order Originally, monks had no history books. Are the 'Collections of Jue Ming' (Jue Ming) and 'Hong Ming' (Hong Ming) not records of words? Are the 'Biographies of Famous Monks' not records of events? Since words and events are complete, they can all be used as materials for recording. Tracing back to the Eastern Han Dynasty, up to our dynasty, it has only been a thousand years. The rise and fall of Buddhism, the appearance and disappearance of monks, the events are so rich, the words are so numerous, stored in the Tripitaka, from where can salvation be obtained? In the early years of Taiping Xingguo, Zanning (Zanning) repeatedly received imperial orders to compile a history of the Sangha in addition to the 'Biographies of Eminent Monks', and when he presented the Yuwang Pagoda (Yuwang Ta), he arrived at the capital by express post. He was ordered to reside in Dong Temple (Dong Si), and had leisure time to read the classics. Therefore, he established a title, searched for events, starting from the birth of the Buddha and the spread of the Dharma, to the beginning of various affairs of the Three Jewels, all of which were summarized into three volumes, named 'A Brief History of the Sangha'. It probably takes Pei Ziye's (Pei Ziye) 'Song Lue' as the title. What is regrettable is that the deletion and selection are not thorough enough, and the expression is not clear enough. It is not suitable for the eyes of great scholars, and there is a pre-existing fear that there will be deficiencies.
爾。
大宋僧史略捲上(咸平二年重更修洛)一佛降生年代二僧入震旦三經像東傳四創造伽藍(浴佛行像附)五譯經六譯律七譯論八東夏出家九服章法式十立壇得戒十一尼得戒由十二受齋懺法十三禮儀沿革十四注經十五僧講十六尼講十七造疏科經十八解律十九解論二十都講二十一傳禪觀法(別立禪居附)二十二此土僧游西域二十三傳密藏(外學附)
所立僅六十門。止刪取集傳。並錄所聞。以明佛法東傳以來百事之始也。
佛降生年代
按佛生日。多說不同。一則應現非常。遇緣即化。故有見聞不同也。一則西域來僧。生處有都城村落。傳事有部類宗計。故各說不同也。一則西域樸略。罕能紀錄庶事。寬慢不尚繁細。故流傳不同也。今且據東土傳記及經律所明。而有多說。
案上統傳漢法本內傳。合阿含經中。皆曰周昭王二十三年七月十五日。現白象瑞。降摩耶夫人胎。明年四月八日。于嵐毗園波羅下。右脅而誕也。
周書異記曰。昭王二十四年甲寅歲四月八日。江河泉池忽然泛溢。井皆騰涌。宮殿震動。其夜五色光氣貫于太微。遍於西方。作青虹色。時王問太史蘇由。由對曰。有大聖出於西方。故現此瑞。王曰。於國無損乎。對曰。一千年后。聲教當被於此。
又案五
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本 爾。
《大宋僧史略》捲上（咸平二年重更修洛）一、佛降生年代 二、僧入震旦（zhèndàn，中國的古稱） 三、經像東傳 四、創造伽藍（qiélán，寺院）（附：浴佛行像） 五、譯經 六、譯律 七、譯論 八、東夏（指中國）出家 九、服章法式 十、立壇得戒 十一、尼得戒由 十二、受齋懺法 十三、禮儀沿革 十四、注經 十五、僧講 十六、尼講 十七、造疏科經 十八、解律 十九、解論 二十、都講 二十一、傳禪觀法（附：別立禪居） 二十二、此土僧游西域 二十三、傳密藏（附：外學）
所立僅六十門。止刪取集傳。並錄所聞。以明佛法東傳以來百事之始也。
佛降生年代
按佛生日。多說不同。一則應現非常。遇緣即化。故有見聞不同也。一則西域（xīyù，古代中國對中亞地區的稱謂）來僧。生處有都城村落。傳事有部類宗計。故各說不同也。一則西域樸略。罕能紀錄庶事。寬慢不尚繁細。故流傳不同也。今且據東土傳記及經律所明。而有多說。
案上統傳漢法本內傳。合《阿含經》中。皆曰周昭王二十三年七月十五日。現白象瑞。降摩耶夫人（Móyé fūren，佛陀的生母）胎。明年四月八日。于嵐毗園（Lánpíyuán）波羅（bōluó）下。右脅而誕也。
《周書異記》曰。昭王二十四年甲寅歲四月八日。江河泉池忽然泛溢。井皆騰涌。宮殿震動。其夜五色光氣貫于太微。遍於西方。作青虹色。時王問太史蘇由。由對曰。有大聖出於西方。故現此瑞。王曰。於國無損乎。對曰。一千年后。聲教當被於此。
又案五
【English Translation】 English version Er.
The Great Song Dynasty Monastic History, Volume 1 (Revised in the 2nd year of Xianping in Luoyang): 1. The Year of Buddha's Birth 2. Monks Entering Zhendan (ancient name for China) 3. The Eastern Transmission of Sutras and Images 4. The Creation of Sangharamas (monasteries) (Attached: Bathing the Buddha and Processions) 5. Sutra Translation 6. Vinaya Translation 7. Treatise Translation 8. Ordination in Dongxia (China) 9. Robe and Vestment Regulations 10. Establishing Altars and Receiving Precepts 11. The Origin of Nuns Receiving Precepts 12. Uposatha (齋戒) and Repentance Methods 13. Evolution of Rituals 14. Commentaries on Sutras 15. Monastic Lectures 16. Nun Lectures 17. Creating Subcommentaries and Categorizing Sutras 18. Explaining the Vinaya 19. Explaining the Treatises 20. Head Lecturers 21. Transmission of Chan (禪) Contemplation Methods (Attached: Separate Chan Residences) 22. Monks from This Land Traveling to the Western Regions 23. Transmission of Esoteric Teachings (Attached: External Studies)
Only sixty topics are established. Only excerpts and collected transmissions are used, along with recorded accounts, to clarify the beginnings of all matters since the Eastern Transmission of Buddhism.
The Year of Buddha's Birth
Regarding the Buddha's birthday, there are many different accounts. One reason is that the manifestation was extraordinary, transforming according to circumstances, hence the differences in what was seen and heard. Another reason is that the monks from the Western Regions (Xīyù, ancient Chinese term for Central Asia) came from cities and villages, and their transmissions involved different schools and lineages, hence the different accounts. Another reason is that the Western Regions were simple and did not meticulously record mundane affairs, being lenient and not emphasizing details, hence the differences in transmission. Now, we will rely on the records and scriptures transmitted in Dongtu (China) and acknowledge the multiple accounts.
According to the comprehensive transmission of Han Dharma and the internal transmission, as well as the Agamas (Āhán jīng), it is said that in the 23rd year of King Zhao of the Zhou Dynasty, on the 15th day of the seventh month, a white elephant appeared as an auspicious sign, entering the womb of Queen Maya (Móyé fūren, Buddha's mother). On the eighth day of the fourth month of the following year, he was born from her right side under a Palasa (bōluó) tree in Lumbini Garden (Lánpíyuán).
The 'Unusual Records of the Zhou Book' states: 'In the 24th year of King Zhao, the year Jia-yin, on the eighth day of the fourth month, rivers, springs, and pools suddenly overflowed, and wells surged. Palaces shook. That night, five-colored auspicious light permeated Taiwei and spread across the west, appearing as a blue rainbow. At that time, the king asked the Grand Historian Su You. Su You replied, 'A great sage has emerged from the west, hence this auspicious sign.' The king asked, 'Will it harm the country?' He replied, 'A thousand years later, his teachings will be received here.'
Furthermore, according to the five
運圖云。東周平王四十八年戊午歲佛生。此說則無憑也。又依道安羅什紀及石柱銘云。周十八主桓王五年乙丑歲佛生。此亦非也。
又費長房開皇三寶錄中。定佛是周莊王他十年甲午四月八日生。以常星不見為徴也。又法顯曾游西域云。佛是商王代中生。顯因見師子國三月出佛齒。供養王前。宣曰。佛滅已一千四百九十七載也。顯以晉義凞中逆推。知佛是商時生矣。又廬山度律師眾聖點記云。周貞定王二年甲戌佛生。法寶大師全不取此 又感通傳中。是夏桀之時見佛垂跡也。
次上諸說帝代不同。一夏末。二商末。三週昭王時。四平王時。五桓王時。六莊王時。七貞定王時。皆據此方傳記所說。若案經律者。浴佛經云。一切佛皆四月八日生也。瑞應經亦云四月八日生。而薩婆多論中即云二月八日生。是則內教二說不同也。今謂佛若是夏時生。即今建巳四月八日也。若商時生。即今建辰月八日也。若周時生。即今建卯月八日也。又據南山宜律師問天人曰。此土傳佛生時。或云商代。或周昭王。魯莊公世。如何指的。答曰。皆有所以。弟子是夏桀時生。天具見佛之垂化。然佛有三身。法報二身非人天所見。唯化身佛普被三千故。有百億釋迦。隨機所感。前後不定。不足疑也。
今東京以臘月八日浴佛言
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本：運圖云：『東周平王四十八年戊午歲佛陀誕生。』這種說法是沒有根據的。又依據道安、鳩摩羅什的記載以及石柱銘文說：『周朝第十八位君主桓王五年乙丑歲佛陀誕生。』這也是不對的。
又費長房《開皇三寶錄》中，確定佛陀是周莊王十四年甲午四月八日生，以常星不見為徵兆。又法顯曾遊歷西域說：『佛陀是商朝末期生的。』法顯因為在師子國（今斯里蘭卡）見到三月取出佛牙，供養在國王面前，宣稱：『佛陀涅槃已經一千四百九十七年了。』法顯以晉義熙年間倒推，認為佛陀是商朝時生的。又有廬山度律師的《眾聖點記》說：『周貞定王二年甲戌佛陀誕生。』法寶大師完全不採納這種說法。又有《感通傳》中說，是夏桀之時見到佛陀垂跡。
以上各種說法，佛陀出生的帝王時代各不相同：一是夏朝末年，二是商朝末年，三是周昭王時，四是周平王時，五是周桓王時，六是周莊王時，七是周貞定王時。這些都是根據此方（中國）的傳記所說。如果按照經律來說，《浴佛經》說：『一切佛都是四月八日生。』《瑞應經》也說四月八日生。而《薩婆多論》中卻說二月八日生。這樣看來，內教（佛教內部）有兩種不同的說法。現在認為，佛陀如果是夏朝時生，就是現在建巳月的四月八日；如果是商朝時生，就是現在建辰月的四月八日；如果是周朝時生，就是現在建卯月的四月八日。又根據南山宜律師問天人說：『此土（中國）傳說佛陀出生時，有的說是商朝，有的說是周昭王，有的說是魯莊公時代，到底哪個是準確的？』天人回答說：『都有道理。弟子是夏桀時生的，親眼見到佛陀的垂化。然而佛陀有三身，法身和報身不是人天所能見到的，只有化身佛普度三千世界，所以有百億釋迦，隨機感應，前後不定，不必懷疑。』
現在東京（指當時的首都）在臘月八日浴佛。
【English Translation】 English version: Yun Tu said: 'The Buddha was born in the year Wu-Wu, the 48th year of King Ping of the Eastern Zhou Dynasty.' This statement has no basis. Furthermore, according to the records of Dao'an and Kumarajiva, as well as the inscriptions on stone pillars, 'The Buddha was born in the year Yi-Chou, the 5th year of King Huan, the 18th ruler of the Zhou Dynasty.' This is also incorrect.
Furthermore, in Fei Changfang's 'Kaihuang Three Jewels Record,' it is determined that the Buddha was born on the eighth day of the fourth month in the year Jia-Wu, the 14th year of King Zhuang of the Zhou Dynasty, with the disappearance of a constant star as a sign. Furthermore, Faxian, who once traveled to the Western Regions, said: 'The Buddha was born during the late Shang Dynasty.' Faxian, because he saw a Buddha tooth being taken out in the third month in the Lion Kingdom (present-day Sri Lanka) and offered before the king, declared: 'It has been 1,497 years since the Buddha's Nirvana.' Faxian, extrapolating backward from the Yixi era of the Jin Dynasty, believed that the Buddha was born during the Shang Dynasty. Furthermore, the 'Records of the Saints' Points' by Lawyer Du of Mount Lu states: 'The Buddha was born in the year Jia-Xu, the 2nd year of King Zhending of the Zhou Dynasty.' Dharma Master Bao completely rejects this statement. Furthermore, the 'Record of Spiritual Response' states that the Buddha's traces were seen during the time of Xia Jie.
The above statements differ regarding the dynasty in which the Buddha was born: first, the end of the Xia Dynasty; second, the end of the Shang Dynasty; third, the time of King Zhao of the Zhou Dynasty; fourth, the time of King Ping; fifth, the time of King Huan; sixth, the time of King Zhuang; seventh, the time of King Zhending. These are all based on the records of this land (China). According to the sutras and vinaya, the 'Bathing the Buddha Sutra' says: 'All Buddhas are born on the eighth day of the fourth month.' The 'Auspicious Response Sutra' also says they are born on the eighth day of the fourth month. However, the 'Sarvastivada Vinaya' says they are born on the eighth day of the second month. Thus, there are two different statements within the inner teachings (Buddhism). It is now believed that if the Buddha was born during the Xia Dynasty, it would be the eighth day of the fourth month of the current Jian Si month; if he was born during the Shang Dynasty, it would be the eighth day of the fourth month of the current Jian Chen month; if he was born during the Zhou Dynasty, it would be the eighth day of the fourth month of the current Jian Mao month. Furthermore, according to Lawyer Yi of Nanshan, who asked a deva: 'In this land (China), it is said that the Buddha was born during the Shang Dynasty, or during the time of King Zhao of the Zhou Dynasty, or during the time of Duke Zhuang of Lu. Which is accurate?' The deva replied: 'They all have their reasons. This disciple was born during the time of Xia Jie and personally witnessed the Buddha's manifestation. However, the Buddha has three bodies; the Dharma body and the Sambhogakaya are not visible to humans and devas. Only the Nirmanakaya Buddha universally saves the three thousand worlds, so there are billions of Shakyamunis, responding to beings according to their needs, at different times, so there is no need to doubt.'
Now, Tokyo (referring to the capital at the time) bathes the Buddha on the eighth day of the twelfth month.
佛生日者。案祇洹圖經。寺中有坡黎師子。形如拳許大。口出妙音。菩薩聞之。皆超地位。每至臘月八日。舍衛城中士女競持香花。來聽法音。詳彼。不言佛生日。疑天竺以臘八為節日耳。又疑是用多論二月八日。臘月乃周之二月也。東西遼夐故。多差異焉。
又江表以今四月八日為佛生日者。依瑞應經也。如用周正。則合是今二月八日。今用建巳月。乃周之六月也。詳此。濫用建巳月者。有二意焉。一聞聲便用不摭實求時。一翻經者多用夏正。故斯謬耳。若如南山云。並眾生見聞不同。故時節不等。不宜確執。然則兩方相接。三藏所傳。以周昭時生。理為長也。
重之曰。前言月八日者。為東夏耶。為西域耶。若尋條見本。從水求源。則事無不周。理有攸貫。且天竺歲首諸說不同。高僧傳中。慧嚴與何承天爭中邊言。西域以建辰為歲首。傳又云。十二月三十日號大神變月。即此土正月十五日。此指夏正也。而用十六日生魄。為月初一日焉。今未詳。建辰月為取今三月月生日為歲首。為是月半分之準。西土無正二三月名。但取星直月。為月名耳。如毗舍佉月迦提月是也。
又䓗嶺北諸國。或以建未月為正首。或春際為夏安居。是知隨方宗計各別。況佛在西域說經。羅漢居竺乾造論。必不指東震之月
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本 關於佛陀誕生的日子。《祇洹圖經》記載，寺中有一坡黎師子（坡黎師子：一種寶石獅子），形狀如拳頭般大小，口中能發出美妙的聲音。菩薩聽到這種聲音，都能超越自身所處的地位。每到臘月八日，舍衛城（舍衛城：古印度城市）中的男女都會爭相拿著香和花，前來聽聞這美妙的法音。仔細考察這段記載，其中並沒有提到佛陀的生日。我懷疑古印度是將臘八作為節日來慶祝的。也有人懷疑這是採用了《多論》中二月八日的說法，因為周曆的臘月相當於周曆的二月。由於東西方相隔遙遠，所以存在很多差異。
另外，江浙一帶將四月八日作為佛陀的生日，這是依據《瑞應經》的說法。如果按照周曆來計算，那麼就應該是現在的二月八日。現在使用的是建巳月，相當於周曆的六月。仔細考察這種濫用建巳月的做法，有兩種可能的原因：一是聽到某種說法就直接採用，而不去仔細考證；二是翻譯佛經的人大多采用夏曆，所以造成了這個錯誤。如果像南山律師所說的那樣，由於眾生見聞不同，所以對於時節的認識也不同，不應該過於執著。然而，如果考慮到兩地相接，以及三藏法師所傳的說法，認為佛陀出生于周昭王時期，這種說法更有道理。
再次強調，前面所說的月八日，指的是東夏（東夏：指中國）還是西域（西域：指古代中亞地區）呢？如果能夠尋根究底，追本溯源，那麼事情就能考慮周全，道理也能融會貫通。而且，古印度對於歲首的說法各不相同。《高僧傳》中記載，慧嚴法師與何承天爭論中原和邊疆的問題時提到，西域以建辰月（建辰月：指以辰為地支的月份）作為歲首。《高僧傳》又說，十二月三十日被稱為大神變月，相當於中國的正月十五日，這裡指的是夏曆。並且用十六日生魄（生魄：指新月）作為月初一日。現在還不清楚，建辰月是以現在的三月月生日作為歲首，還是以這個月的一半作為標準。西土沒有正月、二月、三月這樣的名稱，只是取星辰所直的月份作為月份的名稱，比如毗舍佉月（毗舍佉月：印度曆法中的一個月）和迦提月（迦提月：印度曆法中的一個月）。
此外，蔥嶺（蔥嶺：指帕米爾高原）以北的各個國家，有的以建未月（建未月：指以未為地支的月份）作為歲首，有的以春季作為夏季安居（夏季安居：佛教僧侶在夏季雨季期間的修行）的開始。由此可知，各個地方的風俗習慣各不相同。況且佛陀在西域說法，羅漢在印度造論，肯定不會指東震旦（東震旦：指中國）的月份。
【English Translation】 English version Regarding the Buddha's birthday. According to the 'Jihuan Tu Jing' (Record of Jihuan Monastery), there is a 'Polishi Zi' (Polishi Zi: a gem lion) in the monastery, shaped like a fist, that emits wonderful sounds from its mouth. Bodhisattvas who hear this sound can transcend their current position. Every year on the eighth day of the twelfth month, men and women in Shravasti (Shravasti: an ancient Indian city) compete to bring incense and flowers to listen to this wonderful Dharma sound. Upon careful examination, it does not mention the Buddha's birthday. I suspect that ancient India celebrated the eighth day of the twelfth month as a festival. Some also suspect that this adopts the 'Duo Lun' (Treatise on the Many) tradition of the eighth day of the second month, because the twelfth month of the Zhou calendar is equivalent to the second month of the Zhou calendar. Due to the great distance between East and West, there are many differences.
Furthermore, the Jiangzhe area takes the eighth day of the fourth month as the Buddha's birthday, based on the 'Ruiying Jing' (Sutra of Auspicious Responses). If calculated according to the Zhou calendar, it should be the eighth day of the second month. The current month used is Jian Si month, which is equivalent to the sixth month of the Zhou calendar. Upon careful examination of this misuse of Jian Si month, there are two possible reasons: first, people adopt a saying as soon as they hear it without careful verification; second, translators of Buddhist scriptures mostly use the Xia calendar, which caused this error. If, as Lawyer Nanshan said, due to the different perceptions of sentient beings, the understanding of seasons is also different, and one should not be too attached. However, considering that the two places are connected, and the teachings transmitted by the Tripitaka masters, the theory that the Buddha was born during the reign of King Zhao of Zhou is more reasonable.
To reiterate, does the aforementioned eighth day of the month refer to Dongxia (Dongxia: refers to China) or Xiyu (Xiyu: refers to ancient Central Asia)? If one can trace the roots and seek the source, then things can be considered comprehensively, and the principles can be integrated. Moreover, ancient India had different views on the beginning of the year. The 'Gaoseng Zhuan' (Biographies of Eminent Monks) records that when Master Huiyan and He Chengtian debated the issue of the Central Plains and the border regions, it was mentioned that Xiyu took Jian Chen month (Jian Chen month: the month with Chen as the earthly branch) as the beginning of the year. The 'Gaoseng Zhuan' also says that the thirtieth day of the twelfth month is called the Great Divine Transformation Month, which is equivalent to the fifteenth day of the first month in China, referring to the Xia calendar. And the sixteenth day, the 'shengpo' (shengpo: new moon), is taken as the first day of the month. It is not yet clear whether Jian Chen month takes the moon's birthday in the current third month as the beginning of the year, or whether it takes half of this month as the standard. The Western lands do not have names like the first, second, or third month, but only take the month that the stars directly govern as the name of the month, such as Visakha month (Visakha month: a month in the Indian calendar) and Kartika month (Kartika month: a month in the Indian calendar).
Furthermore, the countries north of the Congling Mountains (Congling Mountains: refers to the Pamir Plateau), some take Jian Wei month (Jian Wei month: the month with Wei as the earthly branch) as the beginning of the year, and some take the spring season as the beginning of the summer retreat (summer retreat: the practice of Buddhist monks during the rainy season in summer). From this, it can be seen that the customs and practices of each place are different. Moreover, the Buddha preached in Xiyu, and the Arhats composed treatises in India, so they would certainly not refer to the months of Dong Zhendan (Dong Zhendan: refers to China).
。所言四月八日者。西域四月八日也。以事符合周書異記昭王四月八日祥瑞。疑翻譯時隨聲筆受。妄認夏正也。唯為有七月十五日。臘法經是用此方為文。令人惑之。故兩存也。
僧入震旦
五運圖云。周世聖教靈蹟。及阿育王造塔置於此土。合有傳記。良以秦始皇焚書。此亦隨爇。故今無處追尋。案始皇時。有沙門釋利房等十八賢者。赍經來化。始皇弗信。遂禁錮之。夜有神人。破獄出之。又漢成帝時。劉向挍書于天祿閣。往往見有佛經。及著列仙傳。得一百三十六人。七十四人已見佛經。以此詳究。知周秦之代已有佛教沙門。止未大興耳。至後漢第二主明帝永平七年。因夢金人。乃令秦景蔡愔王遵往天竺迎佛教。于月氏遇迦葉摩騰竺法蘭二沙門。入東夏。今以為始也。於時佛法雖到中原。未流江表。信受未廣。傳行未周。洎孫氏鼎分封疆阻隔。有康僧會者。本康居國人。赤鳥年中始化于南土也。
經像東傳
原其佛道難思。神蹤本異。不可以常情測。不可以眾例求。唯如東漢僧來劉向已逢于梵筴。育王塔現秦朝。早有于靈儀。案釋老志曰。釋氏之學聞於前漢。武帝元狩年中。霍去病獲昆耶王金人。帝以為大神。列于甘泉宮。燒香禮拜。此佛法流傳之始也。及開西域。遣張騫使大夏。還云
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 關於所說的四月八日，指的是西域的四月八日。因為這件事與《周書異記》中昭王四月八日出現祥瑞的記載相符，所以懷疑翻譯的時候是隨聲記錄，錯誤地認為是夏曆的正月。只有七月十五日（指盂蘭盆節）和臘法經是使用中國的歷法來撰寫的，這會讓人感到迷惑，所以兩種說法都保留了下來。 僧侶進入震旦（中國） 《五運圖》中說，周朝時聖教的靈蹟，以及阿育王（Asoka，印度孔雀王朝的國王）建造的塔都安置在這片土地上，應該有相關的傳記。但因為秦始皇焚書，這些傳記也隨之被燒燬，所以現在無處可尋。根據記載，秦始皇時期，有沙門釋利房等十八位賢者，帶著佛經前來教化，但秦始皇不相信，於是將他們囚禁起來。夜裡有神人打破監獄救他們出來。另外，漢成帝時期，劉向在天祿閣校對書籍時，經常看到佛經。並且在撰寫《列仙傳》時，找到了136人，其中74人已經在佛經中出現過。通過這些詳細的研究，可以知道周朝和秦朝時期已經有佛教沙門，只是沒有大規模興盛而已。到了後漢第二位皇帝明帝永平七年，因為夢見金人，於是派遣秦景、蔡愔、王遵前往天竺（印度）迎接佛教。在月氏（古代中亞的一個國家）遇到了迦葉摩騰（Kasyapa Matanga，古印度僧人）和竺法蘭（Dharmaraksa，古印度僧人）兩位沙門，他們進入東夏（中國）。現在認為這是佛教傳入中國的開始。當時佛法雖然傳到了中原，但沒有流傳到江東地區，信奉和接受的人還不廣泛，傳播還不普遍。等到孫氏政權鼎立，封疆被阻隔，有康僧會（Kang Senghui，康居人，佛教高僧）是康居國人，在赤烏年間才開始在南方傳播佛教。 經書和佛像向東傳播 探究佛道的深奧難測，神蹟的根本不同尋常，不能用常情來推測，不能用一般的例子來要求。就像東漢時期僧侶到來，劉向就已經看到了梵文的經書。阿育王塔在秦朝顯現，很早就有靈異的跡象。根據《釋老志》記載，佛教的學說在前漢時期就已聽說。漢武帝元狩年間，霍去病獲得了昆耶王的金人，漢武帝認為這是大神，將其陳列在甘泉宮，燒香禮拜。這是佛法流傳的開始。等到開通西域，派遣張騫出使大夏（古代中亞的一個國家），回來后說...
【English Translation】 English version: Regarding the so-called 'eighth day of the fourth month,' it refers to the eighth day of the fourth month in the Western Regions. The reason is that this event coincides with the auspicious omen recorded in the 'Zhou Shu Yi Ji' (Strange Records of the Zhou Dynasty) on the eighth day of the fourth month during the reign of King Zhao of Zhou. It is suspected that the translation was a verbatim transcription, mistakenly identifying it as the first month of the Xia calendar. Only the fifteenth day of the seventh month (referring to the Ullambana Festival) and the Laba Sutra use the Chinese calendar for their writing, which can be confusing. Therefore, both versions are preserved. Monks Entering Zhendan (China) The 'Five Dynasties Chart' states that the sacred traces of the holy teachings during the Zhou Dynasty, as well as the pagodas built by King Asoka (Indian Mauryan dynasty king), were placed in this land, and there should be related biographies. However, because Qin Shi Huang burned books, these biographies were also burned, so there is nowhere to find them now. According to records, during the time of Qin Shi Huang, there were eighteen virtuous individuals, including the monk Shi Li Fang, who came to teach with Buddhist scriptures, but Qin Shi Huang did not believe them, so he imprisoned them. At night, a divine person broke the prison and rescued them. In addition, during the reign of Emperor Cheng of Han, Liu Xiang often saw Buddhist scriptures when collating books at the Tianlu Pavilion. And when writing 'Biographies of Immortals,' he found 136 people, 74 of whom had already appeared in Buddhist scriptures. Through these detailed studies, it can be known that there were already Buddhist monks during the Zhou and Qin dynasties, but they were not widely prosperous. By the seventh year of Yongping during the reign of Emperor Ming, the second emperor of the Later Han Dynasty, because he dreamed of a golden man, he sent Qin Jing, Cai Yin, and Wang Zun to Tianzhu (India) to welcome Buddhism. In Yuezhi (an ancient country in Central Asia), they met the two monks Kasyapa Matanga (ancient Indian monk) and Dharmaraksa (ancient Indian monk), who entered Dongxia (China). Now it is considered the beginning of Buddhism's entry into China. At that time, although Buddhism had spread to the Central Plains, it had not spread to the Jiangdong region, and the number of believers and acceptors was not widespread, and the spread was not universal. When the Sun family's regime stood, and the borders were blocked, Kang Senghui (person from Kangju, eminent Buddhist monk) was a person from Kangju, and he began to spread Buddhism in the South during the Chiwu years. The Eastern Transmission of Scriptures and Images Exploring the unfathomable nature of the Buddha's path, the fundamental differences of divine traces, cannot be measured by ordinary emotions, and cannot be demanded by general examples. Just like the arrival of monks in the Eastern Han Dynasty, Liu Xiang had already seen Sanskrit scriptures. Asoka's pagoda appeared in the Qin Dynasty, and there were early signs of spiritual phenomena. According to the 'Treatise on Buddhism and Taoism,' the teachings of Buddhism were heard in the Former Han Dynasty. During the Yuanshou years of Emperor Wu of Han, Huo Qubing obtained the golden man of King Kunye, and Emperor Wu of Han considered it a great god, displaying it in the Ganquan Palace, burning incense and worshiping. This is the beginning of the spread of Buddhism. When the Western Regions were opened up, Zhang Qian was sent to Daxia (an ancient country in Central Asia), and he returned saying...
。身毒有浮圖之教。哀帝元壽年中。景憲往月支。口授得浮圖經。然時未敦信。道未通行。猶大江之初潦。若巨木之毫末耳。今以漢明帝世。二沙門赍四十二章經。及白㲲畫像。為其始焉。又如感通傳中。周穆王造靈安寺。永州石花捧育王塔等。豈非東漢前耶。斯乃思慮不遑。語議弗及者。可置度外。今且據事蹟可思可議故。以永平為始也。
創造伽藍
經像來思僧徒戾止。次原爰處必宅凈方。是以法輪轉須依地也。故立寺宇焉。騰蘭二人角力既勝。明帝忻悅。初于鴻臚寺延禮之。鴻臚寺者。本禮四夷遠國之邸舍也。尋令別擇洛陽西雍門外蓋一精舍。以白馬馱經夾故。用白馬為題也。寺者釋名曰寺嗣也。治事者相嗣續于其內也。本是司名。西僧乍來。權止公司。移入別居。不忘其本。還標寺號。僧寺之名始於此也。僧伽藍者。譯為眾園。謂眾人所居。在乎園圃。生殖之所。佛弟子則生殖道芽聖果也。故經中有迦蘭陀竹園。祇樹給孤獨園。皆是西域之寺舍也。若其不思議之跡。即周穆王造顯濟寺。此難憑準。命曰難思之事也。後魏太武帝始光元年。創立伽藍。為招提之號。隋煬帝大業中。改天下寺為道場。至唐復為寺也。
案靈裕法師寺誥。凡有十名寺。一曰寺(義準釋名)。二曰凈住(穢濁不可同
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本：在身毒（India的古稱）有浮圖（Buddha）的教義。漢哀帝元壽年間，景憲前往月支（Yuezhi，古代中亞的一個國家），通過口頭傳授獲得了浮圖經。然而當時人們並不重視和信仰，佛法也未廣泛傳播，就像大江剛剛開始漲水，又像巨木上細小的枝芽一樣。現在以漢明帝時期，兩位沙門（Shramana，佛教出家人的通稱）帶著四十二章經和白㲲（一種白色絲織品）畫像來到中國作為開端。又如《感通傳》中記載的周穆王建造靈安寺，永州石花捧出育王塔等事蹟，難道不是在東漢之前嗎？這些都是因為思慮不及，討論未到之處，可以暫時放在一邊。現在暫且根據可以思考和討論的事蹟，以永平年間作為佛教傳入中國的開始。
創造伽藍（Sangharama，寺院）
佛經和佛像已經傳來，僧侶們也前來居住，接下來就要尋找合適的地點建造寺院。因此，法輪（Dharma wheel，佛法的象徵）的運轉必須依附於土地。所以要建立寺宇。騰蘭（Kashyapa Matanga和Dharmaratna的合稱）二人在角力比賽中獲勝，明帝非常高興，最初在鴻臚寺（Honglu Temple，古代接待外國賓客的官署）用禮節招待他們。鴻臚寺，原本是接待四夷（古代對周邊少數民族的稱呼）遠國使者的住所。之後明帝下令在洛陽西雍門外另選一塊清凈的地方建造精舍。因為是用白馬馱經書來的緣故，所以用白馬作為寺廟的名稱。寺，在《釋名》中的解釋是『嗣』，意思是管理事務的人在其中相繼不斷。寺原本是官署的名稱，西域僧人初來乍到，暫時居住在官署，後來遷入別處居住，但不忘其本，仍然沿用『寺』的名稱。僧寺的名稱由此開始。僧伽藍，翻譯過來是『眾園』，意思是眾人居住的地方，在園林之中，是生長繁殖的地方，佛弟子則在這裡生長繁殖道芽和聖果。所以佛經中有迦蘭陀竹園（Kalandaka Bamboo Grove），祇樹給孤獨園（Jetavana Anathapindika-arama），都是西域的寺院。至於那些不可思議的傳說，比如周穆王建造顯濟寺，這些難以考證，可以稱之為難以思議的事情。後魏太武帝始光元年，開始創立伽藍，稱為招提（Chaturdisha-sangha，四方僧眾的住所）之號。隋煬帝大業年間，將天下寺廟改為道場，到了唐朝又恢復爲寺廟。
根據靈裕法師的《寺誥》，寺廟共有十個名稱。第一個是寺（含義依據《釋名》）。第二個是凈住（因為污穢的地方不能共同居住）
【English Translation】 English version: In Sindhu (ancient name for India) there is the teaching of the Buddha. During the Yuanshou era of Emperor Ai of the Han dynasty, Jing Xian went to Yuezhi (an ancient Central Asian country) and received the Sutra of the Buddha through oral transmission. However, at that time, people did not value and believe in it, and the Dharma was not widely spread, just like the river beginning to rise, or like the tiny sprouts on a giant tree. Now, the era of Emperor Ming of the Han dynasty is taken as the beginning, when two Shramanas (Buddhist renunciates), carrying the Sutra in Forty-Two Sections and a white silk (a type of white silk fabric) portrait, came to China. Furthermore, as recorded in the 'Gantong Zhuan', Emperor Mu of the Zhou dynasty built the Ling'an Temple, and the stone flowers of Yongzhou presented the King Ashoka Pagoda, etc., were these not before the Eastern Han dynasty? These are all matters that were not fully considered or discussed, and can be temporarily set aside. For now, based on the events that can be considered and discussed, the Yongping era is taken as the beginning of Buddhism's introduction to China.
Creating Sangharama (Monastery)
The Buddhist scriptures and images have arrived, and the monks have also come to reside. Next, a suitable location must be found to build a monastery. Therefore, the turning of the Dharma wheel (symbol of Buddhist teachings) must rely on the land. Thus, temples are established. Kashyapa Matanga and Dharmaratna won the wrestling match, and Emperor Ming was very pleased. Initially, he treated them with courtesy at the Honglu Temple (ancient government office for receiving foreign guests). The Honglu Temple was originally the residence for envoys from the surrounding foreign countries. Later, Emperor Ming ordered that a clean place be selected outside the Xiyong Gate of Luoyang to build a pure abode. Because the scriptures were carried by a white horse, the temple was named after the white horse. The term 'Si' (temple), in 'Shiming', is explained as 'succession', meaning that those who manage affairs succeed one another within it. 'Si' was originally the name of a government office. When the Western monks first arrived, they temporarily resided in the government office, and later moved to another residence, but did not forget their origin, and still used the name 'Si'. The name of the Sangha temple began from this. Sangharama, translated as 'garden of the assembly', means the place where the assembly resides, in a garden, a place of growth and reproduction, where Buddhist disciples grow and reproduce the sprouts of the path and the holy fruits. Therefore, in the Buddhist scriptures, there is the Kalandaka Bamboo Grove, and the Jetavana Anathapindika-arama, all of which are monasteries in the Western Regions. As for those incredible legends, such as Emperor Mu of the Zhou dynasty building the Xianji Temple, these are difficult to verify and can be called inconceivable matters. In the first year of the Shiguang era of Emperor Taiwu of the Later Wei dynasty, Sangharamas began to be established, called Chaturdisha-sangha (residence for monks from the four directions). During the Daye era of Emperor Yang of the Sui dynasty, all the temples in the country were changed to Daochang (places for practicing the Way), and during the Tang dynasty, they were restored to temples.
According to Dharma Master Lingyu's 'Temple Proclamation', there are ten names for temples. The first is 'Si' (meaning based on 'Shiming'). The second is 'Pure Abode' (because impure places cannot be shared)
居)。三曰法同舍(法食二同界也)。四曰出世舍(修出離世俗之所也)。五曰精舍(非粗暴者所居)。六曰清凈園(三業無染處也)。七曰金剛剎(剎土堅固道人所居)。八曰寂滅道場(祇園有蓮華藏世界。以七寶莊嚴。謂之寂滅道場。盧舍那佛說華嚴於此)。九曰遠離處(入其中者。去煩惑遠。與寂滅樂近故)十曰親近處(如行安樂行。以此中近法故也)。此土十名依祇洹圖經。釋相各有意致。如彼寺誥也。今義如六種。一名窟。如後魏鑿山為窟。安置聖像及僧居。是也(今洛陽龍門天竺寺有石窟。有如那羅延金剛佛窟等。是)。二名院(今禪宗住持多用此名也)。三名林(律曰。住一林。經中有逝多林也)。四曰廟(如善見論中瞿曇廟)五蘭若(無院相者)。六普通(今五臺山有多所也)。又案漢明帝崩。起祇洹於陵上。自此百姓墳冢或作浮圖者焉(出楊炫之伽藍記中)。洛陽自漢永平至晉永嘉。止有四十二寺。及後魏都洛。盛信佛教。崇構相繼。臣下豪民競置寺宇。凡一千餘所。後趙都鄴。造寺八百餘區。今遺址或存焉。
浴佛者。唐義凈三藏躬游西域見印度。每日禺中維那鳴鐘。寺庭取銅石等像。于盤內作音樂。磨香或泥灌水。以㲲揩之。舉兩指瀝水于自頂上。謂之吉祥之水。冀求勝利焉。問。浴佛
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 居所)。三是法同舍(在同一區域內共享佛法和食物)。四是出世舍(修行以脫離世俗的地方)。五是精舍(不是粗暴之人居住的地方)。六是清凈園(身、口、意三業沒有污染的地方)。七是金剛剎(剎土堅固，修行者居住的地方)。八是寂滅道場(祇園有蓮華藏世界，用七寶莊嚴，稱為寂滅道場，盧舍那佛在此宣說《華嚴經》)。九是遠離處(進入其中的人，遠離煩惱迷惑，接近寂滅之樂)。十是親近處(如修習安樂行，因為此地接近佛法)。這些是根據《祇洹圖經》所說的十種名稱，每種解釋都有其意義，就像寺院的告示一樣。現在的意義有六種：一是窟，如後魏開鑿山洞作為窟，安置佛像和僧人居住，就是這種(現在洛陽龍門的天竺寺有石窟，有如那羅延金剛佛窟等)。二是院(現在禪宗住持大多用這個名稱)。三是林(律藏說，住在林中，經書中有逝多林)。四是廟(如《善見論》中的瞿曇廟)。五是蘭若(沒有院墻的)。六是普通(現在五臺山有很多)。又據記載，漢明帝駕崩后，在陵墓上建造祇洹寺，從此百姓的墳墓也有些做成浮屠(出自楊炫之《伽藍記》)。洛陽從漢永平年間到晉永嘉年間，只有四十二座寺廟。到後魏遷都洛陽，非常崇信佛教，爭相建造寺廟，臣下和豪門百姓競相建造寺宇，總共有一千多所。後趙定都鄴城，建造了八百多座寺廟，現在遺址還有一些存在。
浴佛，唐朝義凈三藏親自到西域，看到印度每日中午時分，維那鳴鐘，寺院裡取出銅或石的佛像，放在盤子里，演奏音樂，用磨碎的香或泥土灌水，用毛巾擦拭，舉起兩根手指將水滴在自己的頭頂上，稱之為吉祥之水，希望求得勝利。問：浴佛 English version: Abode). Three is Dharma-sharing Abode (sharing Dharma and food within the same boundary). Four is World-Transcending Abode (a place for cultivating detachment from worldly affairs). Five is Vihāra (a place not inhabited by the coarse and violent). Six is Pure Garden (a place free from defilements of body, speech, and mind). Seven is Vajra Land (a firm and solid land where practitioners reside). Eight is the Bodhimanda of Tranquility (Jetavana has the Lotus Treasury World, adorned with seven treasures, called the Bodhimanda of Tranquility, where Vairocana Buddha preaches the Avatamsaka Sutra). Nine is the Place of Remoteness (those who enter it are far from afflictions and close to the bliss of tranquility). Ten is the Place of Proximity (such as practicing the conduct of peace and joy, because this place is close to the Dharma). These ten names are based on the 'Illustrated Sutra of Jetavana,' and each explanation has its own meaning, like the announcements of the monastery. The current meanings are sixfold: First is cave, such as the Northern Wei Dynasty carving mountains into caves to house sacred images and monks, that is this type (now the Tianzhu Temple in Longmen, Luoyang, has stone caves, such as the Narayana Vajra Buddha Cave, etc.). Second is courtyard (now the abbots of Zen Buddhism mostly use this name). Third is grove (the Vinaya says, 'live in a grove,' and there is Jetavana Grove in the sutras). Fourth is temple (such as the Gautama Temple in the 'Samantapasadika'). Fifth is Aranya (without courtyard walls). Sixth is common (now there are many on Mount Wutai). Also, according to records, after Emperor Ming of Han passed away, Jetavana Monastery was built on his mausoleum. From then on, some of the people's tombs were also made into stupas (from Yang Xuanzhi's 'Records of Buddhist Monasteries in Luoyang'). From the Yongping era of the Han Dynasty to the Yongjia era of the Jin Dynasty, there were only forty-two temples in Luoyang. When the Northern Wei Dynasty moved its capital to Luoyang, it greatly believed in Buddhism, and temples were built in succession. Ministers and wealthy people competed to build temples, totaling more than a thousand. The Later Zhao Dynasty established its capital in Ye, building more than eight hundred temples. Some ruins still exist today.
Bathing the Buddha: The Tang Dynasty Tripitaka Master Yijing personally traveled to the Western Regions and saw in India that every day at noon, the verger would ring the bell, and the monastery would take out bronze or stone Buddha statues, place them in a tray, play music, pour water mixed with ground incense or mud, wipe them with a cloth, raise two fingers and drip water on their own heads, calling it auspicious water, hoping to seek victory. Question: Bathing the Buddha
【English Translation】 English version:Abode). Three is Dharma-sharing Abode (sharing Dharma and food within the same boundary). Four is World-Transcending Abode (a place for cultivating detachment from worldly affairs). Five is Vihāra (a place not inhabited by the coarse and violent). Six is Pure Garden (a place free from defilements of body, speech, and mind). Seven is Vajra Land (a firm and solid land where practitioners reside). Eight is the Bodhimanda of Tranquility (Jetavana has the Lotus Treasury World, adorned with seven treasures, called the Bodhimanda of Tranquility, where Vairocana Buddha preaches the Avatamsaka Sutra). Nine is the Place of Remoteness (those who enter it are far from afflictions and close to the bliss of tranquility). Ten is the Place of Proximity (such as practicing the conduct of peace and joy, because this place is close to the Dharma). These ten names are based on the 'Illustrated Sutra of Jetavana,' and each explanation has its own meaning, like the announcements of the monastery. The current meanings are sixfold: First is cave, such as the Northern Wei Dynasty carving mountains into caves to house sacred images and monks, that is this type (now the Tianzhu Temple in Longmen, Luoyang, has stone caves, such as the Narayana Vajra Buddha Cave, etc.). Second is courtyard (now the abbots of Zen Buddhism mostly use this name). Third is grove (the Vinaya says, 'live in a grove,' and there is Jetavana Grove in the sutras). Fourth is temple (such as the Gautama Temple in the 'Samantapasadika'). Fifth is Aranya (without courtyard walls). Sixth is common (now there are many on Mount Wutai). Also, according to records, after Emperor Ming of Han passed away, Jetavana Monastery was built on his mausoleum. From then on, some of the people's tombs were also made into stupas (from Yang Xuanzhi's 'Records of Buddhist Monasteries in Luoyang'). From the Yongping era of the Han Dynasty to the Yongjia era of the Jin Dynasty, there were only forty-two temples in Luoyang. When the Northern Wei Dynasty moved its capital to Luoyang, it greatly believed in Buddhism, and temples were built in succession. Ministers and wealthy people competed to build temples, totaling more than a thousand. The Later Zhao Dynasty established its capital in Ye, building more than eight hundred temples. Some ruins still exist today. Bathing the Buddha: The Tang Dynasty Tripitaka Master Yijing personally traveled to the Western Regions and saw in India that every day at noon, the verger would ring the bell, and the monastery would take out bronze or stone Buddha statues, place them in a tray, play music, pour water mixed with ground incense or mud, wipe them with a cloth, raise two fingers and drip water on their own heads, calling it 'auspicious water,' hoping to seek victory. Question: Bathing the Buddha
表何。通曰。像佛生時龍噴香雨浴佛身也。然彼日日灌洗。則非生日之意。疑五竺多熱。僧既頻浴。佛亦勤灌耳。東夏尚臘八。或二月四月八日。乃是為佛生日也。
行像者。自佛泥洹。王臣多恨不親睹佛。由是立佛降生相。或作太子巡城像。晉法顯到巴連弗城。見彼用建卯月八日行像。以車結縛五層。高二丈許。狀如塔。彩畫諸天形。眾寶作龕。佛坐菩薩立侍。可二十車。車各樣嚴飾。婆羅門子請佛。次第入城內宿。通夜供養。國國皆然。王及長者立福德醫藥舍。凡貧病者詣其中。醫師瞻候病差方去。又嶺北龜茲東荒城寺。每秋分后。十日間。一國僧徒皆赴五年大會(西域謂之般遮于瑟)國王庶民皆捐俗務。受經聽法。莊嚴佛像。戴以車輦。謂之行像。于闐則以四月一日行像。至十四日訖。王及夫人始還宮耳。今夏臺靈武每年二月八日。僧戴夾苧佛像。侍從圍繞。幡蓋歌樂引導。謂之巡城。以城市行市為限。百姓賴其消災也。又此土夏安居畢。僧眾持花執扇。吹貝鳴鐃引而雙行。謂之出隊迦提也(取迦提月名也)釋老志曰。魏世祖於四月八日。輿諸寺像行於廣衢。帝御門樓臨觀。散花致禮焉。又景興尼寺金像出時。詔羽林一百人。舉輦伎樂。皆由內給。又安居畢。明日總集。旋繞村城。禮諸制底。棚車興像。
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 問：這是什麼意思？ 答：這象徵著佛陀誕生時，龍噴灑香雨沐浴佛身。然而，如果每天都灌洗，那就失去了慶祝生日的意義。我懷疑是因為印度（五竺）天氣炎熱，僧侶經常沐浴，所以也為佛像勤加灌洗。而在中國（東夏），人們重視臘八節，或者二月、四月、八日，這些日子才是佛陀的誕生日。
關於行像（遊行佛像）：自從佛陀涅槃后，國王和大臣們常常遺憾未能親眼見到佛陀。因此，人們塑造佛陀降生的形象，或者製作太子巡城的佛像。晉朝的法顯到達巴連弗城（Pataliputra），看到那裡在建卯月（可能是指農曆二月）的第八天舉行行像活動。他們用車輛結縛五層，高達二丈左右，形狀像塔。上面彩繪著諸天形象，用各種珍寶製作佛龕。佛陀端坐其中，菩薩侍立兩旁。大約有二十輛這樣的車，每輛車都裝飾得各不相同。婆羅門子（Brahmin）邀請佛像，依次進入城內住宿，整夜進行供養。各個國家都是如此。國王和長者設立福德醫藥舍，凡是貧窮或生病的人都可以到那裡去，醫生會診治，直到痊癒才離開。另外，在嶺北的龜茲（Kucha）和東荒城寺，每年秋分后十天內，全國的僧侶都會參加五年一度的大會（在西域被稱為般遮于瑟，Panchavārshika）。國王和百姓都放下世俗事務，接受經文，聽聞佛法，莊嚴佛像，用車輛載著遊行，這就是所謂的行像。于闐（Khotan）則在四月一日舉行行像，直到十四日結束，國王和王后才返回宮殿。現在夏臺和靈武每年二月八日，僧侶們抬著用夾苧製作的佛像，侍從們圍繞著，幡蓋和歌樂引導著，這被稱為巡城，以城市和集市為界限，百姓們依靠它來消災解難。此外，在本地，夏季安居結束后，僧眾手持鮮花和扇子，吹奏海螺，敲擊鉦鐃，成雙成對地行走，這被稱為出隊迦提（取迦提月名也，Kathina）。《釋老志》記載，魏世祖在四月八日，用車輛載著各寺廟的佛像在寬闊的街道上游行，皇帝在城門樓上觀看，散花致敬。另外，景興尼寺的金像出巡時，皇帝詔令羽林軍一百人抬著，並有伎樂表演，都由宮廷提供。還有，安居結束后，第二天大家聚集在一起，圍繞村莊和城市遊行，禮拜各個制底（Chaitya），用棚車抬著佛像。
【English Translation】 English version: Question: What does this represent? Answer: It symbolizes the dragons spraying fragrant rain to bathe the Buddha's body at the time of his birth. However, if it is washed daily, it loses the meaning of celebrating the birthday. I suspect that because India (Five Indies, Pañca-Sindhu) is hot, monks bathe frequently, so they also diligently wash the Buddha statue. In China (Eastern Xia), people value the Laba Festival, or the eighth day of the second, fourth, or eighth month, which are the Buddha's birthdays.
Regarding the procession of images (walking the Buddha image): Since the Nirvana of the Buddha, kings and ministers have often regretted not seeing the Buddha in person. Therefore, people create images of the Buddha's birth, or make images of the Crown Prince touring the city. The Jin Dynasty's Faxian (Fa-hsien) arrived in Pataliputra and saw that they held a procession of images on the eighth day of Jianmao month (probably referring to the second month of the lunar calendar). They bound five layers with vehicles, about two zhang (丈, ancient Chinese unit of length) high, shaped like a pagoda. The images of the heavens were painted on it, and shrines were made of various treasures. The Buddha sat in it, and the Bodhisattvas stood on both sides. There were about twenty such vehicles, each decorated differently. Brahmin (Brahmin) sons invited the Buddha images to stay in the city in order, and offered sacrifices all night long. Every country is like this. Kings and elders set up Fude medical houses, and anyone who is poor or sick can go there, and the doctors will diagnose and treat them until they recover before leaving. In addition, in Kuča (Kucha) in Lingbei and Donghuangcheng Temple, every year within ten days after the autumnal equinox, monks from all over the country will participate in the five-year assembly (called Panchavārshika in the Western Regions). The king and the people put aside secular affairs, receive scriptures, listen to the Dharma, decorate the Buddha statues, and parade them in vehicles, which is called the procession of images. Khotan (Khotan) holds a procession of images on the first day of April, which ends on the fourteenth day, and the king and queen return to the palace. Now, in Xiatai and Lingwu, on the eighth day of February every year, monks carry Buddha statues made of Jia Zhu (夾苧, a kind of cloth), attendants surround them, and banners and songs lead them. This is called a city tour, which is limited to cities and markets, and the people rely on it to eliminate disasters. In addition, after the summer retreat in this area, the monks hold flowers and fans, blow conch shells, and strike gongs, walking in pairs, which is called the Kathina (迦提, taking the name of the month of Kathina). The 'Shi Lao Zhi' (釋老志) records that Emperor Shizu of the Wei Dynasty paraded the Buddha statues of various temples on wide streets on the eighth day of April, and the emperor watched from the gate tower, scattering flowers to pay tribute. In addition, when the golden statue of Jingxing Nunnery was paraded, the emperor ordered 100 Yulin (羽林) soldiers to carry it, and there were musical performances, all provided by the court. Also, after the summer retreat, everyone gathers together the next day, parades around the villages and cities, and pays homage to the Chaityas (制底), carrying the Buddha statues in shed cars.
幡花蔽日。名曰三摩近離(此曰和集)斯乃神州行城法也。
譯經
昔劉向校書天祿。見有佛經。知於時未事翻傳。必存梵夾。若然劉向安識梵字。而云列仙有七十餘人已見佛經。又以文殊菩薩亦號列仙耶。蓋劉向博識全才。像胥之學自能之矣。覽其梵夾。回作華言。尋認七十許人見佛經也。若論翻譯。則摩騰初出四十二章經。及法蘭同譯十地佛本生法海藏佛本行等經。為其始也。次則安清支讖支謙等相繼翻述。漢末魏初。傳譯漸盛。或翻佛為眾祐。或翻辟支為古佛。支讖出首楞嚴經云。佛在王舍城靈鷲頂山中。存沒不同。用舍各異。斯乃譯經之推輪者焉。
譯律
佛制毗尼。紏繩內眾。如國刑法。畫一成規。未知誰將毗尼翻為律號。案漢靈帝建寧三年庚戌歲。安世高首出義決律一卷。次有比丘諸禁律一卷。至曹魏世。天竺三藏曇摩迦羅(此曰法時)到許洛。慨魏境僧無律范。遂于嘉平年中。與曇諦譯四分羯磨及僧祇戒心圖記云。此方戒律之始也。
譯論
晉孝武之世。有罽賓國沙門僧伽跋澄。譯雜毗曇婆沙十四卷。次則姚秦羅什譯大智度成實。此為譯論之始。道安錄及僧祐出三藏記同斯楷述也。又單名鞞婆沙。是者迦旃延子撮其要義引經訓釋。為毗曇四十四品。斯亦論也。
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本 幡花遮蔽日光。名為三摩近離(Samavakara，此譯為和集)，這是神州行城（遊行之城）的儀軌。
譯經
過去劉向在天祿閣校書時，見到佛經，知道當時還沒有翻譯流傳。想必是儲存了梵文經卷。如果這樣，劉向怎麼會認識梵字，卻說列仙中有七十餘人已經見過佛經呢？又或者文殊菩薩也被稱為列仙嗎？大概劉向博學多才，通曉象胥（翻譯）之學，自然能夠做到。他閱讀梵文經卷，將其翻譯成華語，尋找並確認那七十餘人見過的佛經。如果論翻譯，那麼迦葉摩騰最初翻譯《四十二章經》，以及竺法蘭共同翻譯《十地經》、《佛本生經》、《法海藏經》、《佛本行經》等，是翻譯的開端。其次是安世高、支讖(Lokaksema)、支謙等人相繼翻譯。漢朝末年魏朝初年，翻譯逐漸興盛。有人將佛翻譯為眾祐，有人將辟支佛翻譯為古佛。支讖翻譯的《首楞嚴經》中說，佛在王舍城靈鷲山中，存沒（生滅）不同，用舍（取捨）各異。這可以說是翻譯經典的推動者。
譯律
佛制定毗尼(Vinaya，律)，用來約束僧團內部，如同國家的刑法，劃一成規。不知道是誰將毗尼翻譯為律。根據記載，漢靈帝建寧三年庚戌年，安世高最初翻譯《義決律》一卷，其次有《比丘諸禁律》一卷。到曹魏時期，天竺三藏曇摩迦羅(Dharmakala，法時)來到許洛（洛陽），感慨魏國境內僧人沒有律法規範，於是在嘉平年間，與曇諦(Dharmasatya)翻譯《四分羯磨》以及《僧祇戒心圖記》，這可以算是此方戒律的開端。
譯論
晉孝武帝時期，有罽賓國沙門僧伽跋澄(Sanghabhadra)，翻譯《雜毗曇婆沙》十四卷。其次是姚秦鳩摩羅什(Kumarajiva)翻譯《大智度論》、《成實論》，這是翻譯論典的開端。道安的《經錄》以及僧祐的《出三藏記》都這樣記載。另外還有單稱《鞞婆沙》(Vibhasa)的，是迦旃延子(Katyayaniputra)撮取其要義，引用經文訓釋，成為《毗曇》四十四品，這也是論典。
【English Translation】 English version The pennants and flowers obscured the sun. It is called Samavakara (三摩近離, meaning 'harmonious gathering'), which is the Dharma practice of the 'traveling city' (parade city) in Shenzhou (神州, China).
Translation of Sutras
In the past, when Liu Xiang (劉向) was proofreading books in the Tianlu Pavilion (天祿閣), he saw Buddhist scriptures and knew that they had not yet been translated and circulated at that time. Presumably, Sanskrit texts were preserved. If so, how could Liu Xiang have recognized Sanskrit characters, yet claimed that more than seventy immortals had already seen Buddhist scriptures? Or was Manjushri Bodhisattva also called an immortal? Perhaps Liu Xiang was erudite and talented, and understood the art of translation (象胥), so he was naturally able to do it. He read the Sanskrit texts and translated them into Chinese, searching for and confirming the Buddhist scriptures that those seventy-odd people had seen. If we talk about translation, then Kasyapa Matanga (迦葉摩騰) initially translated the 'Sutra of Forty-Two Chapters', and Dharmaraksa (竺法蘭) jointly translated the 'Ten Stages Sutra', 'Buddha's Birth Stories Sutra', 'Dharma Ocean Treasury Sutra', 'Buddha's Deeds Sutra', etc., which marked the beginning of translation. Next, An Shih-kao (安世高), Lokaksema (支讖), Zhi Qian (支謙), and others successively translated. During the late Han Dynasty and early Wei Dynasty, translation gradually flourished. Some translated Buddha as 'Benefactor of the Masses' (眾祐), and some translated Pratyekabuddha as 'Ancient Buddha' (古佛). Lokaksema's translation of the 'Surangama Sutra' said that the Buddha was in Vulture Peak Mountain in Rajagrha, with different existence and extinction, and different acceptance and rejection. These can be said to be the promoters of translating scriptures.
Translation of Vinaya
The Buddha established the Vinaya (毗尼, monastic discipline) to regulate the Sangha internally, like the criminal law of a country, forming a unified standard. It is unknown who translated Vinaya as 'Law' (律). According to records, in the third year of the Jianning era of Emperor Ling of the Han Dynasty, the year Gengxu, An Shih-kao first translated one volume of the 'Yi Jue Lu' (義決律, Vinaya Decisions), followed by one volume of the 'Bhikshu Prohibitions Vinaya' (比丘諸禁律). During the Cao Wei period, the Tripitaka master Dharmakala (曇摩迦羅, meaning 'Dharma Time') from India came to Xuluo (許洛, Luoyang), lamenting that there were no Vinaya norms for monks in the Wei territory. Therefore, during the Jiaping era, he and Dharmasatya (曇諦) translated the 'Four-Part Karmavācanā' (四分羯磨) and the 'Sanghika-vinaya Mind Notes' (僧祇戒心圖記), which can be regarded as the beginning of the Vinaya in this land.
Translation of Treatises
During the reign of Emperor Xiaowu of the Jin Dynasty, the Sramana Sanghabhadra (僧伽跋澄) from Kasmir translated fourteen volumes of the 'Miscellaneous Abhidharma Vibhasa' (雜毗曇婆沙). Next, Kumarajiva (鳩摩羅什) of the Yao Qin Dynasty translated the 'Mahaprajnaparamita Sastra' (大智度論) and the 'Tattvasiddhi Sastra' (成實論), which marked the beginning of the translation of treatises. Dao'an's (道安) 'Scripture Catalog' and Sengyou's (僧祐) 'Notes on the Tripitaka' both record this. There is also the single name 'Vibhasa' (鞞婆沙), which is Katyayaniputra (迦旃延子) extracting its essential meaning, citing scriptures for explanation, becoming the forty-four chapters of the 'Abhidharma', which is also a treatise.
東夏出家
夫狂蒙寄於伽藍頓生善念。孟軻鄰其學校尋染儒風。佛法既行。民人皆化。於時豈無抽簪解佩脫履投形者乎。乃漢明帝聽陽城候劉峻等出家。僧之始也。洛陽婦女阿潘等出家。此尼之始也。
服章法式
案漢魏之世。出家者多著赤布僧伽梨。蓋以西土無絲織物。又尚木蘭色並乾陀色故。服布而染赤然也。則西方服色亦隨部類不同。薩婆多部皂色衣也。曇無德部絳色衣也。彌沙塞部青色衣也。著赤布者乃曇無德僧。先到漢土耳後梁有慧朗法師。常服青納。志公預記云。興皇寺當有青衣開士廣行大乘。至朗果符其言矣。廣明服色。如五部威儀所服經中。今江表多服黑色赤色衣。時有青黃間色。號為黃褐。石蓮褐也。東京關輔尚褐色衣。並部幽州則尚黑色。若服黑色。最為非法也。何耶。黑是上染大色五方正色也。問緇衣者色何狀貌。答紫而淺黑非正色也。考工記中。三入為𦄿。五入為緅。七入為緇。以再染黑為緅。緅是雀頭色。又再染乃成緇矣。知緇本出絳。雀頭紫赤色也。故凈秀尼見聖眾衣色。如桑熟椹。乃淺赤深黑也。今秣陵比丘衣色仿西竺緇衣也。又後周忌聞黑衣之讖。悉屏黑色。著黃色衣。起于周也。又三衣之外。有曳納播者。形如覆肩衣。出寄歸傳。講員自許即曳之。若講
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本 東夏出家 那些沉迷於世俗的人，一旦寄身於伽藍（Sangharama，寺院），便會頓生向善的念頭。如同孟軻居住在學校附近，自然而然地受到儒家風氣的影響。佛法得以推行，民眾皆受到教化。在那個時候，難道沒有拋棄官職、解下佩飾、脫掉鞋子、投身佛門的人嗎？漢明帝允許陽城侯劉峻等人出家，這是中國僧侶的開端。洛陽婦女阿潘等人出家，這是中國比丘尼的開端。 服章法式 根據漢魏時期的記載，出家之人大多穿著紅色的僧伽梨（Sanghati，袈裟）。這是因為西域沒有絲織品，而且崇尚木蘭色和乾陀色（Gandhara，一種顏色）的緣故。用布料染色成紅色也是這個原因。西方的服裝顏色也隨著部派的不同而有所差異。薩婆多部（Sarvastivada）穿著皂色（黑色）的衣服，曇無德部（Dharmaguptaka）穿著絳色（深紅色）的衣服，彌沙塞部（Mahisasaka）穿著青色的衣服。穿著紅色布料的，是曇無德部的僧侶，他們最早來到漢地。後梁有慧朗法師，經常穿著青色的衲衣。志公（寶誌禪師）曾預言說，興皇寺將會有一位穿著青衣的開士（菩薩）廣泛弘揚大乘佛法。後來慧朗法師的出現果然應驗了他的預言。關於服裝顏色，可以參考《五部威儀所服經》。現在江南一帶大多穿著黑色或紅色的衣服，有時也有青色和黃色相間的顏色，被稱為黃褐，也叫石蓮褐。東京（洛陽）和關中（函谷關以西地區）崇尚褐色衣服，並部（并州）和幽州（幽州）則崇尚黑色。如果穿著黑色衣服，這是非常不合法的。為什麼呢？因為黑色是上染的大色，是五方正色。問：緇衣（黑色僧衣）的顏色是什麼樣的？答：是紫色而淺黑，不是正黑色。《考工記》中記載，染三次為𦄿（淺紅色），染五次為緅（深紅色），染七次為緇（黑色）。用再次染黑的方法得到緅色，緅色是雀頭色（紫紅色）。再染一次才能成為緇色。由此可知，緇色本出於絳色，雀頭色是紫紅色。所以凈秀尼看到聖眾的衣服顏色，像桑葚成熟時的顏色，是淺紅色和深黑色。現在秣陵（南京）的比丘的衣服顏色，是仿照西竺（印度）的緇衣。另外，後周因為忌諱黑衣的讖語，全部禁止黑色，改穿黃色衣服，這是從後周開始的。除了三衣（袈裟）之外，還有曳納播（一種披肩），形狀像覆肩衣，出自《寄歸傳》。講經的法師如果自許，就可以披上它。若講 English version Leaving Home in Dongxia Those who are deeply attached to the mundane world, upon residing in a Sangharama (monastery), suddenly generate virtuous thoughts. Just as Mencius lived near a school and was naturally influenced by Confucianism. As Buddhism spread, the people were all transformed. At that time, were there not those who abandoned their official positions, removed their ornaments, took off their shoes, and devoted themselves to Buddhism? Emperor Ming of the Han Dynasty allowed Liu Jun, the Marquis of Yangcheng, and others to leave home, which marked the beginning of monks in China. The women of Luoyang, A Pan and others, left home, which marked the beginning of nuns in China. Rules for Clothing According to records from the Han and Wei dynasties, those who left home mostly wore red Sanghati (袈裟, kasaya). This was because there were no silk fabrics in the Western Regions, and they also favored magnolia and Gandhara colors. Dyeing cloth red was also for this reason. The colors of clothing in the West also varied according to different schools. The Sarvastivada school wore black robes, the Dharmaguptaka school wore crimson robes, and the Mahisasaka school wore blue robes. Those who wore red cloth were monks of the Dharmaguptaka school, who were the first to arrive in China. During the Later Liang Dynasty, there was Dharma Master Huilang, who often wore a blue patched robe. Zhi Gong (Zen Master Baozhi) once predicted that Xinghuang Temple would have a blue-robed Bodhisattva who would widely promote Mahayana Buddhism. Later, the appearance of Dharma Master Huilang indeed fulfilled his prediction. Regarding clothing colors, one can refer to the 'Sutra on the Clothing Worn in the Five Divisions of Vinaya'. Nowadays, in the Jiangnan region, most people wear black or red clothes, and sometimes there are also blue and yellow mixed colors, which are called yellow-brown, also known as Shilian brown. Tokyo (Luoyang) and Guanzhong (the region west of Hangu Pass) favor brown clothes, while Bingzhou and Youzhou favor black. Wearing black clothes is highly illegal. Why? Because black is a superior dyed color, a primary color of the five directions. Question: What is the appearance of a black robe (緇衣)? Answer: It is purple and light black, not pure black. The 'Kaogongji' (The Artificers' Record) records that dyeing three times results in 𦄿 (light red), dyeing five times results in 緅 (dark red), and dyeing seven times results in 緇 (black). The 緅 color is obtained by dyeing black again, and 緅 is the color of a sparrow's head (purplish-red). Dyeing it once more results in 緇. From this, it can be known that 緇 originally comes from crimson, and the color of a sparrow's head is purplish-red. Therefore, the nun Jingxiu saw that the color of the robes of the holy assembly was like the color of ripe mulberries, which is light red and deep black. Nowadays, the color of the robes of the monks in Moling (Nanjing) imitates the black robes of the Western Regions (India). In addition, the Later Zhou Dynasty, due to the taboo of the black robe prophecy, completely banned black and changed to wearing yellow robes, which began in the Later Zhou Dynasty. Besides the three robes (袈裟, kasaya), there is also the Yena Bo (a shawl), which is shaped like a shoulder covering, and comes from the 'Record of Returning Home'. If the Dharma master who is lecturing permits himself, he can wear it. If lecturing
【English Translation】 English version Leaving Home in Dongxia Those who are deeply attached to the mundane world, upon residing in a Sangharama (monastery), suddenly generate virtuous thoughts. Just as Mencius lived near a school and was naturally influenced by Confucianism. As Buddhism spread, the people were all transformed. At that time, were there not those who abandoned their official positions, removed their ornaments, took off their shoes, and devoted themselves to Buddhism? Emperor Ming of the Han Dynasty allowed Liu Jun, the Marquis of Yangcheng, and others to leave home, which marked the beginning of monks in China. The women of Luoyang, A Pan and others, left home, which marked the beginning of nuns in China. Rules for Clothing According to records from the Han and Wei dynasties, those who left home mostly wore red Sanghati (袈裟, kasaya). This was because there were no silk fabrics in the Western Regions, and they also favored magnolia and Gandhara colors. Dyeing cloth red was also for this reason. The colors of clothing in the West also varied according to different schools. The Sarvastivada school wore black robes, the Dharmaguptaka school wore crimson robes, and the Mahisasaka school wore blue robes. Those who wore red cloth were monks of the Dharmaguptaka school, who were the first to arrive in China. During the Later Liang Dynasty, there was Dharma Master Huilang, who often wore a blue patched robe. Zhi Gong (Zen Master Baozhi) once predicted that Xinghuang Temple would have a blue-robed Bodhisattva who would widely promote Mahayana Buddhism. Later, the appearance of Dharma Master Huilang indeed fulfilled his prediction. Regarding clothing colors, one can refer to the 'Sutra on the Clothing Worn in the Five Divisions of Vinaya'. Nowadays, in the Jiangnan region, most people wear black or red clothes, and sometimes there are also blue and yellow mixed colors, which are called yellow-brown, also known as Shilian brown. Tokyo (Luoyang) and Guanzhong (the region west of Hangu Pass) favor brown clothes, while Bingzhou and Youzhou favor black. Wearing black clothes is highly illegal. Why? Because black is a superior dyed color, a primary color of the five directions. Question: What is the appearance of a black robe (緇衣)? Answer: It is purple and light black, not pure black. The 'Kaogongji' (The Artificers' Record) records that dyeing three times results in 𦄿 (light red), dyeing five times results in 緅 (dark red), and dyeing seven times results in 緇 (black). The 緅 color is obtained by dyeing black again, and 緅 is the color of a sparrow's head (purplish-red). Dyeing it once more results in 緇. From this, it can be known that 緇 originally comes from crimson, and the color of a sparrow's head is purplish-red. Therefore, the nun Jingxiu saw that the color of the robes of the holy assembly was like the color of ripe mulberries, which is light red and deep black. Nowadays, the color of the robes of the monks in Moling (Nanjing) imitates the black robes of the Western Regions (India). In addition, the Later Zhou Dynasty, due to the taboo of the black robe prophecy, completely banned black and changed to wearing yellow robes, which began in the Later Zhou Dynasty. Besides the three robes (袈裟, kasaya), there is also the Yena Bo (a shawl), which is shaped like a shoulder covering, and comes from the 'Record of Returning Home'. If the Dharma master who is lecturing permits himself, he can wear it. If lecturing
通一本則曳一支。講二三本又隨講數曳之。如納播是也。又後魏宮人見僧自恣。偏袒右肩乃一施肩衣。號曰偏衫。全其兩扇衿袖。失祇支之體。自魏始也。複次腳曳𩌈𩍜。或革屣[奄-大+與]遮短𩍓靴等。寄歸傳云。西域有持竹蓋或持傘者。梁高僧慧韶遇有請。則自攜杖笠也。今僧盛戴竹笠。禪師則葼笠。及持澡罐漉囊錫杖戒刀斧子針筒。此皆為道具也。近有衣白色者。失之大甚。佛記袈裟變白不受染色。此得非是乎。或有識如法眾主奪之而壞其色。真為護法有力之勝士也。昔唐末豫章有觀音禪師。見南方禪客多搭白納。常以瓿器盛染色。勸令染之。今天下皆謂黃納為觀音納也。此師早曾聽學護法為情。於今稱之。
立壇得戒
原其漢魏之僧也。雖剃染成形。而戒法未備。於時二眾唯受三歸。後漢永平至魏黃初以來。大僧沙彌曾無區別。有曇摩迦羅三藏及竺律炎維祇難等。皆傳律義。迦羅以嘉平正元中。與曇帝于洛陽出僧祇戒心。立大僧羯磨法。東土立壇。此其始也。詳其曼荼羅大祇施設不同。或巨摩規地。或以木構層。筑泥分級。俱名壇也。除土掃地。則名墠也。墠場壇不同。皆是西域曼荼羅也。若據律宗。則須結仄隅。分限從其自然。生於作法。緬想魏朝。固應漠落矣。若此方受戒。則朱士行為其
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 如果通讀一本經書，就拖曳一支籌。如果講解兩三本經書，又隨著講解的數量拖曳籌。就像『納播』（napbo，梵文，指一種計數方法）那樣。另外，後魏時期的宮人看到僧人自恣（pravāraṇa，佛教術語，指出家眾于雨季安居結束時，互相檢舉過失的儀式），偏袒右肩，於是就施加一件肩衣，號稱為『偏衫』。這種做法保留了衣的兩個前襟和袖子，失去了祇支（cicī，梵文，指袈裟的組成部分）的形制。這種做法是從魏朝開始的。再次，腳上穿著曳地的鞾（xie，鞋子），或者革屣（ge xi，皮鞋）和[奄-大+與]遮（jian zhe，鞋子）短鞓靴等。《寄歸傳》中說，西域有拿著竹蓋或者傘的人。梁朝高僧慧韶遇到邀請，就自己拿著手杖和斗笠。現在僧人盛行戴竹笠，禪師則戴葼笠（zong li，用草或竹篾編的帽子）。以及拿著澡罐、漉囊、錫杖、戒刀、斧子、針筒，這些都是作為道具使用的。最近有人穿白色的衣服，這實在是太過分了。佛陀曾經說過袈裟變白，不能接受染色。這難道不是違背佛意嗎？如果有明智的、如法的眾主奪走這些白色衣服，並且破壞它們的顏色，這真是護法有力的大丈夫。過去唐朝末年，豫章（今江西省南昌市）有位觀音禪師，看到南方來的禪客大多搭著白色的衲衣，常常用陶器盛著染料，勸他們染色。現在天下都稱黃色的衲衣為『觀音納』。這位禪師早年曾經聽聞學習護法的事情，所以今天稱讚他。
立壇得戒
追溯漢魏時期的僧人，雖然剃髮染色成了僧人的外形，但是戒法還不完備。當時的出家男女二眾只是受三歸依。後漢永平年間到魏黃初年間以來，大僧（比丘）和沙彌（未受具足戒的出家男子）沒有區別。有曇摩迦羅（Dharmakāla，人名，意譯為法時）三藏以及竺律炎（Dharmaruchi，人名，意譯為法樂）和維祇難（Vighna，人名，意譯為障礙）等人，都翻譯傳授律藏的義理。曇摩迦羅在嘉平、正元年間，與曇帝（人名）在洛陽翻譯出《僧祇戒心》，建立了大僧羯磨法（saṃghakarma，僧團的事務處理方法）。在東土（指中國）建立戒壇，這是開始。詳細考察曼荼羅（maṇḍala，壇場）的大小和設施各不相同，有的用巨大的摩規地（magui di，不確定含義），有的用木頭構建多層，用泥土分層，都叫做壇。清除泥土，打掃地面，就叫做墠（shan，平坦的場地）。墠場和壇不同，都是西域的曼荼羅。如果根據律宗的說法，就必須結仄隅（ze yu，不確定含義），劃分界限順其自然，產生於作法（karma，儀式）。回想魏朝，這些做法應該已經沒落了。如果在這個地方受戒，那麼朱士行（人名）就是其...
【English Translation】 English version: If one thoroughly reads one sutra, then one drags one counter. If one explains two or three sutras, then one drags counters according to the number of sutras explained, just like 'napbo' (Sanskrit, referring to a counting method). Furthermore, during the Later Wei dynasty, palace women, upon seeing monks performing the pravāraṇa (Buddhist term, referring to the ceremony where monks confess their faults at the end of the rainy season retreat), with their right shoulders bared, would then offer a shoulder garment, called a 'pianshan' (partial shirt). This practice retained the two front panels and sleeves of the garment, losing the form of the cicī (Sanskrit, referring to a component of the kasaya). This practice began in the Wei dynasty. Furthermore, wearing trailing boots (xie, shoes) or leather sandals (ge xi, leather shoes) and [奄-大+與]zhe (jian zhe, shoes) short boots, etc. The 'Record of Returning to the South Sea' says that in the Western Regions, there were those who carried bamboo umbrellas or parasols. The eminent Liang dynasty monk Hui Shao, when invited, would carry his own staff and bamboo hat. Now, monks commonly wear bamboo hats, while Chan masters wear zong hats (zong li, hats woven from grass or bamboo strips). And carrying water pitchers, filter bags, khakkhara staffs, precept knives, axes, needle cases, these are all used as implements. Recently, some wear white clothing, which is truly excessive. The Buddha once said that the kasaya turns white and cannot accept dyeing. Isn't this contrary to the Buddha's intention? If there are wise and Dharma-abiding leaders who seize these white clothes and destroy their color, they are truly powerful protectors of the Dharma. In the late Tang dynasty, there was a Chan master Guanyin in Yuzhang (present-day Nanchang, Jiangxi Province), who, seeing that many Chan practitioners from the South wore white patched robes, often used earthenware pots to hold dye and encouraged them to dye their robes. Now, everyone calls the yellow patched robe 'Guanyin's patched robe'. This master had heard and learned about protecting the Dharma early on, so today we praise him.
Establishing an Altar and Receiving Precepts
Tracing back to the monks of the Han and Wei dynasties, although they had shaved their heads and dyed their robes, their precepts were not complete. At that time, the monastic community of both men and women only took refuge in the Three Jewels. From the Yongping era of the Later Han dynasty to the Huangchu era of the Wei dynasty, there was no distinction between bhikshus (fully ordained monks) and śrāmaṇeras (novice monks). There were Dharmakāla (personal name, meaning 'Time of Dharma') Tripitaka, Dharmaruchi (personal name, meaning 'Joy of Dharma'), and Vighna (personal name, meaning 'Obstacle'), who all translated and transmitted the principles of the Vinaya. Dharmakāla, during the Jiaping and Zhengyuan eras, together with Dharmadeva (personal name), translated the 'Saṃghika-vinaya-hṛdaya' in Luoyang and established the saṃghakarma (methods of handling monastic affairs) for the monastic community. Establishing an ordination platform in the Eastern Land (referring to China), this was the beginning. Examining the maṇḍalas (altars) in detail, their sizes and facilities vary. Some use huge magui di (uncertain meaning), some construct multiple layers with wood, and divide them into levels with mud, all of which are called altars. Clearing the soil and sweeping the ground is called a shan (flat ground). Shan grounds and altars are different, all are maṇḍalas of the Western Regions. According to the Vinaya school, one must form ze yu (uncertain meaning), and divide the boundaries naturally, arising from the karma (ritual). Recalling the Wei dynasty, these practices should have declined. If one receives precepts in this place, then Zhu Shixing (personal name) is the...
首也。南朝永明中。三吳初造戒壇。此又吳中之始也。唐初靈感寺南山宣律師。按法立壇。感長眉僧(即賓頭盧身也)隨喜讚歎。立壇應法勿過此焉。宣撰戒壇經一卷。今行於世。余嘗慨南山不明壇第四層覆釜形儀制。故著覆釜形儀。樂者尋之。以輔博知也。今右街副僧錄廣化大師真紹先募邑社。于東京大平興國寺。造石戒壇。一遵南山戒壇經。宏壯嚴麗。冠絕於天下也。
尼得戒由
愛道初緣豈為容易。阿潘出俗又實希奇。始徒受於三歸。且未全於二眾。按五運圖云。自漢永平丁卯。洎宋元嘉甲戌中間。相去三百六十七年。尼方具戒。又薩婆多師資傳云。宋元嘉十一年春。師子國尼鐵索羅等十人。于建康南林寺壇上。為景福寺尼慧果凈音等二眾中受戒法事。十二日度三百餘人。此方尼於二眾受戒。慧果為始也。知阿潘等但受三歸。又晉咸康中。尼凈撿於一眾邊得戒。此亦未全也。及建武中。江北諸尼乃往僧寺受戒。累朝不輟。近以太祖敕。不許尼往僧中受戒。自是尼還於一眾得本法。而已戒品終不圓也。今聖英達明斷。護法之士宜奏乞仍舊行之免法滅之遄速焉。
受齋懺法
自佛法東傳。事多草昧。故高僧傳曰。設復齋懺同於祠祀。魏晉之世。僧皆布草而食起坐威儀唱導開化略無規矩。至
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 這是關於戒壇的起源。南朝永明時期，三吳地區（指吳郡、吳興、會稽）初次建造戒壇，這是吳地戒壇的開端。唐朝初期，靈感寺的南山宣律師（南山律宗的創始人）依照戒律儀軌設立戒壇，感得長眉僧（即賓頭盧尊者）前來隨喜讚歎，認為設立戒壇應以南山律師所立之法為準則，不應超過。宣律師撰寫了《戒壇經》一卷，流傳於世。我曾經感慨南山律師對戒壇第四層覆釜形的儀制不夠明確，因此撰寫了《覆釜形儀》，希望有興趣的人可以參考，以輔助更廣泛的認知。 現在右街副僧錄廣化大師真紹，率先募集邑社的資金，在東京大平興國寺建造石戒壇，完全遵循南山律師的《戒壇經》，宏偉壯麗，堪稱天下第一。
尼眾得戒的由來
愛道的最初因緣豈是容易之事？阿潘出家修行實在稀奇。最初只是受了三歸依，尚未完全具備比丘尼的二眾受戒資格。根據《五運圖》記載，從漢朝永平丁卯年到宋朝元嘉甲戌年之間，相隔三百六十七年，尼眾才具備受具足戒的條件。又據《薩婆多師資傳》記載，宋元嘉十一年春天，師子國（今斯里蘭卡）的比丘尼鐵索羅等十人，在建康（今南京）南林寺的戒壇上，為景福寺的比丘尼慧果、凈音等二眾傳授戒法，十二天內度了三百多人。此地尼眾在二眾中受戒，以慧果為開始。可知阿潘等人當時只是受了三歸依。又晉朝咸康年間，比丘尼凈撿在一眾（比丘尼眾）中得戒，這也不算完全。到了建武年間，江北的尼眾前往僧寺受戒，歷朝歷代沒有停止。近代因為太祖皇帝的敕令，不允許尼眾前往僧寺受戒。從此尼眾又回到一眾中得戒，但其戒品始終不圓滿。現在聖明的君主和有遠見卓識的護法之士，應該上奏請求恢復舊制，以免佛法滅亡的速度加快。
受齋懺法
自從佛法東傳以來，很多事情都比較粗略。所以《高僧傳》說，當時的設齋懺悔，和世俗的祭祀沒有什麼區別。魏晉時期，僧人都是在草蓆上吃飯，起坐的威儀、唱導開化，幾乎沒有什麼規矩可言。直到……
【English Translation】 English version: This is about the origin of the ordination platform (戒壇, jiè tán). During the Yongming period of the Southern Dynasties, the Three Wu regions (吳郡, Wú Jùn; 吳興, Wú Xīng; 會稽, Kuài Jī) first built ordination platforms, marking the beginning of ordination platforms in the Wu area. In the early Tang Dynasty, the Vinaya Master Xuan of Lingsi Temple (南山宣律師, Nánshān Xuān lǜshī), the founder of the Nanshan Vinaya School, established an ordination platform according to the Vinaya rules. He was gratified to have the long-browed monk (長眉僧, cháng méi sēng), namely Venerable Pindola (賓頭盧, Bīntóulú), come to rejoice and praise, believing that the establishment of the ordination platform should follow the rules established by Vinaya Master Xuan of Nanshan and should not exceed them. Vinaya Master Xuan wrote a volume of the 'Ordination Platform Sutra' (戒壇經, Jiè Tán Jīng), which has been passed down to the world. I once lamented that Vinaya Master Xuan of Nanshan was not clear enough about the fourth layer of the ordination platform, the inverted-cauldron shape (覆釜形, fù fǔ xíng), so I wrote 'Inverted-Cauldron Shape Ritual' (覆釜形儀, Fù Fǔ Xíng Yí), hoping that those interested can refer to it to assist in broader knowledge. Now, Vice Monastic Registrar Guanghua Master Zhen Shao (廣化大師真紹, Guǎnghuà Dàshī Zhēn Shào) of Youjie Street took the lead in raising funds from the villages and communities to build a stone ordination platform at Daping Xingguo Temple (大平興國寺, Dàpíng Xīngguósì) in Tokyo, completely following Vinaya Master Xuan of Nanshan's 'Ordination Platform Sutra,' magnificent and beautiful, unparalleled in the world.
The Origin of Nuns Receiving Precepts
How easy could the initial cause of Prajapati (愛道, Ài Dào) be? How rare and wonderful is Ananda's (阿潘, Ā Pān) renunciation and practice. Initially, they only took refuge in the Three Jewels (三歸, sān guī), and did not fully possess the qualifications for the two assemblies of Bhikkhunis to receive precepts. According to the 'Five Periods Chart' (五運圖, Wǔ Yùn Tú), from the year Dingmao of Yongping in the Han Dynasty to the year Jiaxu of Yuanjia in the Song Dynasty, there was a gap of 367 years before nuns had the conditions to receive the full precepts. Furthermore, according to the 'Sarvastivada Teachers' Transmission' (薩婆多師資傳, Sàpóduō Shīzī Zhuàn), in the spring of the eleventh year of Yuanjia in the Song Dynasty, ten Bhikkhunis from the country of Simhala (師子國, Shī Zǐ Guó, now Sri Lanka), including Tissara (鐵索羅, Tiě Suǒ Luó), transmitted the Dharma of precepts to the two assemblies, including the Bhikkhunis Huiguo (慧果, Huì Guǒ) and Jingyin (凈音, Jìng Yīn) of Jingfu Temple (景福寺, Jǐngfúsì), on the ordination platform of Nanlin Temple (南林寺, Nánlínsì) in Jiankang (建康, Jiànkāng, now Nanjing), ordaining more than 300 people in twelve days. The reception of precepts by nuns in the two assemblies in this land began with Huiguo. It can be known that Ananda and others only took refuge in the Three Jewels at that time. Also, during the Xiankang period of the Jin Dynasty, the Bhikkhuni Jingjian (凈撿, Jìng Jiǎn) received precepts in one assembly (the Bhikkhuni assembly), which was also not complete. By the Jianwu period, the nuns in Jiangbei went to the Sangha temples to receive precepts, which continued through successive dynasties. Recently, due to the imperial edict of Emperor Taizu, nuns were not allowed to go to Sangha temples to receive precepts. Since then, nuns have returned to receiving precepts in one assembly, but their precepts are ultimately incomplete. Now, enlightened rulers and insightful Dharma protectors should submit a request to restore the old system to avoid accelerating the demise of the Dharma.
The Method of Receiving the Eight Precepts and Repentance
Since the eastward transmission of Buddhism, many things have been rough. Therefore, the 'Biographies of Eminent Monks' (高僧傳, Gāo Sēng Zhuàn) says that the setting up of vegetarian feasts and repentance at that time was no different from secular sacrifices. During the Wei and Jin Dynasties, monks ate on straw mats, and their deportment, chanting, and enlightenment were almost without rules. Until...
東晉有偽秦國道安法師。慧解生知。始尋究經律。作赴請僧跋贊禮唸佛等儀式。凡有三例。一曰行香定座是也。宣律師赴請設則篇大明軏則。圓頂之徒茍不披覽破谷之誚。而乃自貽吁哉。近聞有西江商客。賽願營齋。先示文疏。數僧無能讀者。被商客驅之。一何可笑。後生聞此。當寅夜攻學。一則不虛受施。一則覆庇群僧。一則揚名於四方也。
禮儀沿革
西域之法禮有多種。如傳所明。禮拜者屈己也。旋繞者戀慕也。偏袒者亦肉袒也。脫革屣者不敢安也。和南者先意問訊也。避路者尚齒也。諸例常聞不煩多述。若尼禮于僧。自傳八法。比丘奉上接足至三莫不盡恭。如事令長也。近以開坐具。便為禮者。得以論之。昔梵僧到此。皆展舒尼師壇。就上作禮。後世避煩。尊者方見開尼師壇。即止之。便通敘暄涼。又展猶再拜也。尊者還止之。由此只將展尼師壇擬禮。為禮之數。所謂蓌拜也。如此設恭無乃大簡乎。然隨方為清凈者。不得不行也。又如比丘相見。曲躬合掌口云不審者何。此三業歸仰也(曲躬合掌身也。發言不審口也。心若不生崇重。豈能動身口乎)謂之問訊。其或卑問尊。則不審少病少惱。起居輕利不。上慰不。則不審無病惱。乞食易得。住處無惡伴。水陸無細蟲不。後人省其辭。止云不審也。
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 東晉時期有偽秦國的道安法師（Dao An，一位法師的名字）。他天生聰慧，開始研究經律，創作了迎請僧侶的儀軌、讚頌、禮唸佛等等儀式。總共有三個例子，其中一個就是行香定座。宣律師（Xuan Lu，一位律師的名字）在《赴請設則篇》中詳細闡明了這些規則。那些圓頂的出家人如果不去學習瞭解，最終只會自取其辱，真是可悲啊。最近聽說有西江的商人，爲了還願而舉辦齋會，事先展示了文書，但很多僧人卻無法閱讀，被商人趕走了，真是可笑。後來的學僧聽到這件事，應當在深夜勤奮學習，一方面不會白白接受施捨，一方面可以庇護僧團，一方面也可以揚名四方。
禮儀的沿革
西域的禮法有很多種，就像經典中所闡明的那樣。禮拜，是謙卑自己；旋繞，是戀慕佛陀；偏袒，就是袒露右肩；脫掉鞋子，是不敢安逸；合掌問訊（He Nan），是先表達敬意；避讓道路，是尊敬年長者。這些例子都很常見，就不多說了。至於尼姑對比丘的禮儀，經典中有八法規定。比丘接受尼姑的禮拜，要接足至三次，無不盡顯恭敬，就像對待長官一樣。現在有人只是展開坐具，就認為是行禮，這是可以討論的。以前有梵僧來到這裡，都會展開尼師壇（Ni Shitan，坐具），在上面行禮。後來爲了避免麻煩，尊者看到有人要展開尼師壇，就制止了，然後直接問候寒暄。展開尼師壇也相當於再拜。尊者也制止了。因此，人們只是將展開尼師壇當作行禮的表示，這只是一種象徵性的禮拜。這樣設定恭敬，是不是太簡單了呢？然而，爲了隨順各地的清凈習俗，不得不這樣做。又比如比丘相見，彎腰合掌，口中說『不審』，這是什麼意思呢？這是身口意三業的歸仰（彎腰合掌是身業，口說『不審』是口業，心中如果沒有崇敬，怎麼會表現在身口上呢？）。這叫做問訊。如果是卑幼問候尊長，就說『不審少病少惱，起居輕利不，上慰不』。尊長回答說『不審無病惱，乞食易得，住處無惡伴，水陸無細蟲不』。後來的人簡化了這些話，只說『不審』了。
English version: During the Eastern Jin Dynasty, there was the Dharma Master Dao An (Dao An, a Dharma Master's name) from the pseudo-Qin state. He was born with wisdom and began to study the scriptures and precepts, creating rituals such as inviting monks, praises, and reciting the Buddha's name. There were three examples in total, one of which was the practice of offering incense and arranging seats. The Vinaya Master Xuan Lu (Xuan Lu, a Vinaya Master's name) clearly explained these rules in the chapter 'Rules for Accepting Invitations'. Those monks with shaved heads who do not study and understand will only bring shame upon themselves, which is truly regrettable. Recently, I heard that a merchant from Xijiang held a vegetarian feast to fulfill a vow, and showed the written request in advance, but many monks were unable to read it and were driven away by the merchant, which is truly laughable. Later students who hear of this should study diligently late into the night, so that they will not receive offerings in vain, protect the Sangha, and make a name for themselves in all directions.
Evolution of Etiquette
There are many kinds of etiquette in the Western Regions, as explained in the scriptures. Bowing is to humble oneself; circumambulating is to admire the Buddha; exposing one shoulder is to bare the right shoulder; taking off shoes is to show that one dares not be at ease; 'He Nan' (He Nan, a greeting) is to express respect in advance; yielding the road is to respect elders. These examples are common and will not be elaborated on. As for the etiquette of nuns towards monks, there are eight rules in the scriptures. When a monk receives a nun's bow, he should receive her feet three times, showing utmost respect, just like treating an official. Now, some people think that simply unfolding the sitting cloth is a form of bowing, which is debatable. In the past, when Brahmin monks came here, they would unfold the 'Ni Shitan' (Ni Shitan, a sitting cloth) and bow on it. Later, to avoid trouble, the Venerable would stop anyone who was about to unfold the 'Ni Shitan', and then directly exchange greetings. Unfolding the 'Ni Shitan' is also equivalent to bowing twice. The Venerable would also stop it. Therefore, people simply regard unfolding the 'Ni Shitan' as a symbolic gesture of bowing, which is only a symbolic bow. Is this way of showing respect too simple? However, in order to follow the pure customs of various places, it must be done. For example, when monks meet, they bend down, put their palms together, and say 'Bu Shen', what does this mean? This is the devotion of the three karmas of body, speech, and mind (bending down and putting palms together is the karma of the body, saying 'Bu Shen' is the karma of speech, and if there is no reverence in the mind, how can it be expressed in the body and speech?). This is called greeting. If a junior greets a senior, they say 'Bu Shen, are you free from illness and suffering, is your daily life easy and comfortable, are you well?' The senior replies 'Bu Shen, I am free from illness and suffering, is it easy to obtain alms, is there no evil companion in the dwelling place, are there no small insects in the water and on land?' Later people simplified these words and only said 'Bu Shen'.
【English Translation】 Modern Chinese Translation: During the Eastern Jin Dynasty, there was the Dharma Master Dao An (Dao An, a Dharma Master's name) from the pseudo-Qin state. He was born with wisdom and began to study the scriptures and precepts, creating rituals such as inviting monks, praises, and reciting the Buddha's name. There were three examples in total, one of which was the practice of offering incense and arranging seats. The Vinaya Master Xuan Lu (Xuan Lu, a Vinaya Master's name) clearly explained these rules in the chapter 'Rules for Accepting Invitations'. Those monks with shaved heads who do not study and understand will only bring shame upon themselves, which is truly regrettable. Recently, I heard that a merchant from Xijiang held a vegetarian feast to fulfill a vow, and showed the written request in advance, but many monks were unable to read it and were driven away by the merchant, which is truly laughable. Later students who hear of this should study diligently late into the night, so that they will not receive offerings in vain, protect the Sangha, and make a name for themselves in all directions.
Evolution of Etiquette
There are many kinds of etiquette in the Western Regions, as explained in the scriptures. Bowing is to humble oneself; circumambulating is to admire the Buddha; exposing one shoulder is to bare the right shoulder; taking off shoes is to show that one dares not be at ease; 'He Nan' (He Nan, a greeting) is to express respect in advance; yielding the road is to respect elders. These examples are common and will not be elaborated on. As for the etiquette of nuns towards monks, there are eight rules in the scriptures. When a monk receives a nun's bow, he should receive her feet three times, showing utmost respect, just like treating an official. Now, some people think that simply unfolding the sitting cloth is a form of bowing, which is debatable. In the past, when Brahmin monks came here, they would unfold the 'Ni Shitan' (Ni Shitan, a sitting cloth) and bow on it. Later, to avoid trouble, the Venerable would stop anyone who was about to unfold the 'Ni Shitan', and then directly exchange greetings. Unfolding the 'Ni Shitan' is also equivalent to bowing twice. The Venerable would also stop it. Therefore, people simply regard unfolding the 'Ni Shitan' as a symbolic gesture of bowing, which is only a symbolic bow. Is this way of showing respect too simple? However, in order to follow the pure customs of various places, it must be done. For example, when monks meet, they bend down, put their palms together, and say 'Bu Shen', what does this mean? This is the devotion of the three karmas of body, speech, and mind (bending down and putting palms together is the karma of the body, saying 'Bu Shen' is the karma of speech, and if there is no reverence in the mind, how can it be expressed in the body and speech?). This is called greeting. If a junior greets a senior, they say 'Bu Shen, are you free from illness and suffering, is your daily life easy and comfortable, are you well?' The senior replies 'Bu Shen, I am free from illness and suffering, is it easy to obtain alms, is there no evil companion in the dwelling place, are there no small insects in the water and on land?' Later people simplified these words and only said 'Bu Shen'.
大如歇後語乎。又臨去辭云珍重者何。此則相見既畢。情意已通。囑云珍重。猶言善加保重。請加自愛。好將息宜保惜同也。若西域相見則合掌雲和南。或云盤茶味。久不見乃設禮。若尊嚴師匠。則一見一禮。今出家者以華情學梵事耳。所謂半華半梵。亦是亦非。尋其所起。皆道安之遺法是。則住既與俗不同。律行條然自別也。或云。僧上表疏。宜去頓首。以其涉祝宗之九拜者。余觀廬山遠公太山朗公答王臣之作。皆名下稱頓首。遠公講禮。講賢辨義。豈濫用哉。且頓首者。頭委頓而拜也。今文云頓首。而身不躬折。何為拜乎。又道流相見。交手叩頭而云稽首亦同也。然秉筆者避之為敏矣。
注經
乍翻法語未貫凡情。既重譯而乃通。更究文而暢理故箋法作焉。沉隱之義指掌可知矣。五運圖云。康僧會吳赤鳥年中。注法鏡經。此注經之始也。又道安重注了本生死經云。魏初有河南支恭明。為作註解。若然者。南注則康僧會居初。北注則支恭明為先矣。
僧講
朱士行穎川人也。志業方正。少懷遠悟。脫落塵俗。出家之後。專務經典。常講道行般若。每嘆譯理未盡。乃于魏甘露五年。發跡長安。度流沙至於闐。得梵書正本九十章。彼國多小乘學者。譖于王曰。漢地沙門欲以婆羅門書惑亂正法。
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 『大如歇後語乎』是什麼意思呢？還有臨別時說『云珍重』是什麼意思呢？這是因為相見已經結束，情意已經溝通，囑咐說『珍重』，就像是說『好好保重』，請多加愛護自己，好好調養身體，應該珍惜自己一樣。如果西域人相見，就合掌說『和南』（敬禮），或者說『盤茶味』（供養）。很久不見面才行設禮。如果是尊敬的師長，那麼一見面就行一禮。現在出家的人只是用表面的華麗形式來學習佛教的禮儀罷了。這就是所謂的『半華半梵』，似是而非。追尋它的起源，都是道安（Dào'ān）（東晉時期著名佛教學者）的遺法。那麼，既然居住方式已經與世俗不同，那麼戒律行為自然也應該截然不同。有人說，僧人給皇帝上表奏疏，應該去掉『頓首』，因為它涉及到祭祀祖宗的九拜之禮。我看廬山慧遠（Huìyuǎn）（東晉時期佛教領袖）和泰山朗公（Lǎng Gōng）回覆王臣的著作，都在名字下面署名『頓首』。慧遠精通禮儀，講解賢義，難道會濫用嗎？而且『頓首』的意思是頭低垂到地上的拜禮。現在的文章寫著『頓首』，但是身體卻沒有彎曲，這算什麼拜呢？還有道士相見，互相拱手叩頭，也說『稽首』，意思也一樣。但是執筆寫文章的人最好避免使用這些詞語。
注經 剛開始翻譯佛經，還不符合普通人的情感，經過多次翻譯才能通順，更加深入研究文字才能明白其中的道理，所以才有了註釋的方法。這樣，深奧隱晦的含義就能像看手掌一樣清楚了。《五運圖》記載，康僧會（Kāng Sēnghuì）（三國時期著名佛教學者）在吳國赤烏年間，註釋了《法鏡經》。這是註釋佛經的開始。還有道安重新註釋了《了本生死經》，說魏朝初期有河南的支恭明（Zhī Gōngmíng），為這部經做了註解。如果這樣說，那麼南方註釋佛經的，康僧會是第一人，北方註釋佛經的，支恭明是第一人。
僧講 朱士行（Zhū Shìxíng）（三國時期佛教僧侶）是穎川人。志向和事業都很端正，從小就懷有遠大的覺悟。擺脫了世俗的煩惱，出家之後，專心研究經典。經常講解《道行般若經》，常常嘆息翻譯的道理還不透徹。於是在魏甘露五年，從長安出發，經過流沙到達于闐（Yútián）。在於闐，當地多數是小乘學者，他們向國王誣陷說，漢地的沙門想要用婆羅門的書籍來迷惑擾亂正法。
【English Translation】 English version: What does 『as obvious as a simile』 mean? And what does it mean to say 『take care』 when parting? It means that the meeting has ended, and the feelings have been communicated. To say 『take care』 is like saying 『take good care of yourself,』 please cherish yourself, take good care of your health, and value yourself. If people from the Western Regions meet, they put their palms together and say 『Namo』 (salutation), or 『Pancha-rasa』 (offering). Only after a long time of not seeing each other do they perform rituals. If it is a respected teacher, then one bows with respect upon meeting. Now, those who have left home (become monks) are merely learning Buddhist etiquette with superficial Chinese forms. This is the so-called 『half Chinese, half Sanskrit,』 which is both right and wrong. Tracing its origin, it is all the legacy of Dao'an (Dào'ān) (a famous Buddhist scholar in the Eastern Jin Dynasty). Then, since the way of life is different from that of the secular world, the precepts and conduct should naturally be completely different. Some say that when monks submit memorials to the emperor, they should remove 『dunshou』 (頓首) (kowtow), because it involves the nine bows of ancestral worship. I have seen that in the works of Huiyuan (Huìyuǎn) (a Buddhist leader in the Eastern Jin Dynasty) of Mount Lu and Lang Gong (Lǎng Gōng) of Mount Tai in response to royal ministers, they all signed 『dunshou』 below their names. Huiyuan was proficient in etiquette and lectured on virtue and righteousness, would he misuse it? Moreover, 『dunshou』 means bowing with the head lowered to the ground. Now, the text says 『dunshou,』 but the body does not bend, what kind of bow is this? Also, when Taoists meet, they clasp their hands and bow their heads, also saying 『qishou』 (稽首) (kowtow), which means the same thing. However, those who write articles should avoid using these words.
Commentary on Sutras When Buddhist scriptures were first translated, they did not conform to ordinary people's feelings. Only after repeated translations could they be understood. Only by studying the text more deeply could the principles be understood, so the method of commentary was created. In this way, the profound and obscure meanings can be understood as clearly as looking at the palm of one's hand. The Five Periods Chart records that Kang Senghui (Kāng Sēnghuì) (a famous Buddhist scholar during the Three Kingdoms period) commented on the Sutra of the Mirror of the Dharma during the Chiwu era of the Wu Kingdom. This was the beginning of commenting on sutras. Also, Dao'an re-commented on the Sutra of the Completion of Life and Death, saying that in the early Wei Dynasty, Zhi Gongming (Zhī Gōngmíng) of Henan wrote a commentary on this sutra. If so, then Kang Senghui was the first to comment on Buddhist scriptures in the South, and Zhi Gongming was the first to comment on Buddhist scriptures in the North.
Monk's Lecture Zhu Shixing (Zhū Shìxíng) (a Buddhist monk during the Three Kingdoms period) was from Yingchuan. His aspirations and career were upright, and he had great enlightenment from a young age. He broke away from worldly troubles and, after becoming a monk, devoted himself to studying the scriptures. He often lectured on the Perfection of Wisdom Sutra, often lamenting that the principles of translation were not thorough enough. So, in the fifth year of Ganlu in the Wei Dynasty, he set out from Chang'an, passed through the quicksand and arrived at Yutian (Yútián). In Yutian, most of the local scholars were of the Hinayana school, and they falsely accused the king, saying that the Shramanas of the Han region wanted to confuse and disturb the true Dharma with Brahmanical books.
何不禁之。聾盲漢地。王之咎也。王乃不聽赍經東去。士行因請燒之為驗。於時積薪殿前。誓畢而焚。其經無損。王始歸信。士行寄經還國。竺叔蘭無羅叉譯為放光般若。睿法師云。士行於洛中講小品。往往不通。遠出流沙求大品。歸出為晉音是也。士行曹魏時。講道行經。即僧講之始也。
尼講
東晉廢帝大和三年戊辰歲。洛陽東寺尼道馨俗姓羊。為沙彌時。誦通法華維摩二部。受大戒后。研窮理味。一方道學所共師宗。尼之講說道馨為始也。
造疏科經
經教東流始則朱士行講說未形於文字。分科註解其道安法師歟。安師注經。常恐不合佛意。俄夢道人曰。合理即賓頭盧也。或曰。注經與造疏全別。何推安公為首耶。答注是解經。與別行疏義殊號而同實。矧分其科節不長途散釋。自安之意乎。次則僧睿造維摩疏。直生著維摩法華泥洹小品疏。世皆寶之。
解律
元魏世。法聰律師者原是曇無德羯磨得戒而常習僧祇。一日自悟乃嘆曰。體既四分而受。何得異部明隨。於是罷講祇律。手披目閱敷揚四分。有門人道覆。旋抄漸成義疏。覆公即解四分之始也。至宋元嘉中。慧詢善僧祇十誦。更制條章。即解二律之始也。今五臺山北寺相傳。有聰師講律之遺蹟焉。
解論
【現代漢語翻譯】 為何要禁止呢？（朱）士行是聾盲于漢地（情況），這是國王的過錯啊。國王不聽勸阻，（朱士行）帶著經書向東而去。（後來），（大臣）請求用火燒（經書）來驗證真偽。當時在殿前堆積柴火，（朱士行）發誓完畢后開始焚燒，結果經書毫髮無損，國王這才開始相信。（朱）士行將經書寄存在那裡，自己回國了。竺叔蘭（譯者）和無羅叉（譯者）將經書翻譯為《放光般若》。睿法師說，（朱）士行在洛陽講解《小品般若經》時，常常講不通順，於是遠赴流沙尋求《大品般若經》，回國後用晉地的語言翻譯出來，就是現在我們看到的版本。士行在曹魏時期講解《道行般若經》，這就是僧侶講解佛經的開端。
尼姑講經
東晉廢帝大和三年戊辰年，洛陽東寺的尼姑道馨（法號），俗姓羊。她做沙彌時，就能背誦《法華經》和《維摩詰經》兩部經典。受具足戒后，深入研究經文的義理。是當時一方道學所共同尊崇的師長。尼姑講經說法，以道馨為開端。
撰寫疏文，分科經文
經書教義傳入東土，最初是朱士行講解，還沒有形成文字。分科註解經文，大概是從道安法師開始的吧。道安法師註解經書，常常擔心不符合佛陀的本意。後來夢見一位道人說，（你的註解）符合佛意，我就是賓頭盧（尊者）。有人說，註解經書和撰寫疏文完全不同，為何推舉道安法師為首呢？回答說，註解是解釋經文，和單獨成行的疏文，名稱不同而實質相同。何況分科經文，不是長篇大論的散漫解釋，這本來就是道安法師的本意。其次是僧睿撰寫《維摩詰經疏》，直生撰寫《維摩詰經疏》、《法華經疏》、《泥洹經疏》、《小品般若經疏》，世人都非常珍視。
解讀戒律
元魏時期，法聰律師，原本是按照曇無德（律宗）的羯磨（儀式）受戒，但一直學習僧祇律。有一天，他自己醒悟了，於是感嘆道，身體既然是按照四分律受戒的，為何要學習不同部的戒律呢？於是停止講解僧祇律，親自閱讀並弘揚四分律。他的門人道覆，逐漸抄錄並形成了義疏。道覆公就是解讀四分律的開端。到了宋元嘉年間，慧詢精通僧祇律和十誦律，又制定了條章，這就是解讀兩種戒律的開端。現在五臺山北寺相傳，還有法聰律師講律的遺蹟。
解讀論典
【English Translation】 Why prohibit it? Zhu Shixing (a monk's name) was ignorant of the situation in the Han lands, which was the king's fault. The king did not listen to advice and Zhu Shixing went east with the scriptures. Later, (a minister) requested to verify the authenticity (of the scriptures) by burning them. At that time, firewood was piled up in front of the palace, and after Zhu Shixing made a vow, the burning began. As a result, the scriptures were unharmed, and the king began to believe. Zhu Shixing left the scriptures there and returned to his country. Zhu Shulan (translator) and Wuluocha (translator) translated the scriptures into the 'Fangguang Bannya' (放光般若, 'Perfection of Wisdom Sutra'). Dharma Master Rui said that when Zhu Shixing lectured on the 'Xiaopin Bannya Jing' (小品般若經, 'Smaller Perfection of Wisdom Sutra') in Luoyang, he often couldn't explain it clearly, so he went to Liusha (流沙, 'shifting sands', referring to the desert regions of Central Asia) to seek the 'Dapin Bannya Jing' (大品般若經, 'Larger Perfection of Wisdom Sutra'). After returning, he translated it into the language of Jin (晉, a dynasty), which is the version we see now. During the Cao Wei (曹魏, a dynasty) period, Shixing lectured on the 'Daoxing Bannya Jing' (道行般若經, 'Practice of the Way Perfection of Wisdom Sutra'), which was the beginning of monks lecturing on Buddhist scriptures.
Nuns Lecturing on Sutras
In the third year of the Dahe (大和, era name) reign of Emperor Fei (廢帝, deposed emperor) of the Eastern Jin (東晉, a dynasty), the nun Daoxin (道馨, Dharma name) of Dong Temple (東寺, East Temple) in Luoyang, whose secular surname was Yang (羊), was able to recite the two scriptures, 'Lotus Sutra' (法華經, 'Fahua Jing') and 'Vimalakirti Sutra' (維摩詰經, 'Vimojie Jing'), when she was a Shami (沙彌, novice monk). After receiving the full precepts, she deeply studied the meaning of the scriptures. She was a teacher respected by the Dao scholars of the time. Daoxin was the beginning of nuns lecturing on the sutras.
Writing Commentaries and Dividing Sutras into Sections
When the scriptures and teachings were introduced to the East, Zhu Shixing initially lectured on them, but they had not yet been written down. Dividing the sutras into sections and annotating them probably started with Dharma Master Dao'an (道安, a monk's name). Dharma Master Dao'an often worried that his annotations would not conform to the Buddha's original intention. Later, he dreamed of a Daoist (道人, a religious person) who said that (your annotations) conform to the Buddha's intention, and I am Pindola (賓頭盧, Pindola Bharadvaja, one of the sixteen Arhats). Someone said that annotating sutras and writing commentaries are completely different, so why promote Dharma Master Dao'an as the first? The answer is that annotation is explaining the sutras, and it is different from the independent commentaries in name but the same in substance. Moreover, dividing the sutras into sections is not a rambling explanation, which was originally Dharma Master Dao'an's intention. Next, there was Sengrui (僧睿, a monk's name) who wrote the 'Vimalakirti Sutra Commentary' (維摩詰經疏, 'Vimojie Jing Shu'), and Zhisheng (直生, a monk's name) who wrote the 'Vimalakirti Sutra Commentary', 'Lotus Sutra Commentary' (法華經疏, 'Fahua Jing Shu'), 'Nirvana Sutra Commentary' (泥洹經疏, 'Ni Huan Jing Shu'), and 'Smaller Perfection of Wisdom Sutra Commentary' (小品般若經疏, 'Xiaopin Bannya Jing Shu'), which were all highly valued by the world.
Interpreting the Vinaya (戒律, monastic rules)
During the Yuan Wei (元魏, a dynasty) period, Vinaya Master Facong (法聰, a monk's name) originally received the precepts according to the Karma (羯磨, ritual) of the Dharmaguptaka (曇無德, a school of Buddhism), but he always studied the Sanghavinaya (僧祇律, monastic rules of the Mahasanghika school). One day, he realized it himself, and sighed, 'Since the body is receiving precepts according to the Four-Part Vinaya (四分律, Vinaya in Four Parts), why should I study the monastic rules of a different school?' So he stopped lecturing on the Sanghavinaya and personally read and promoted the Four-Part Vinaya. His disciple Daofu (道覆, a monk's name) gradually copied and formed a commentary. Master Daofu was the beginning of interpreting the Four-Part Vinaya. During the Yuanjia (元嘉, era name) period of the Song (宋, a dynasty) dynasty, Huixun (慧詢, a monk's name) was proficient in the Sanghavinaya and the Ten Recitations Vinaya (十誦律, monastic rules of the Sarvastivada school), and he also formulated regulations, which was the beginning of interpreting the two Vinayas. It is said that there are still traces of Master Facong lecturing on the Vinaya in the North Temple (北寺, North Temple) of Mount Wutai (五臺山, a famous Buddhist mountain).
Interpreting the Shastras (論典, treatises)
毗曇慧學對法命家。雖晚見於翻傳。而敏成於智母。疇初稽考越措疏文。唯成實一宗最多法相。北則羅什刪略付授嵩法師。故後魏主大和十年。幸徐州白塔寺。詔曰。此寺近有名僧嵩法師。受成實論于什公。后授淵法師。又授登紀二法師。朕每覽成實云。道登嘗傳論于禁中。此北朝之始也。又僧道禪經律論一皆精博。姚興同輦還宮。著成實三論義疏。此又在先矣。南則僧柔講宣。故出三藏記曰。齊永明七年十月。文宣王招集京師碩學名僧五百人。請定林寺僧柔講寺。慧欣于普弘寺講。此南朝之始也。又肇睿諸師講中百十二門等論。疏義迭生相繼無盡也。
都講
敷宣之士擊發之由。非旁人而啟端。難在座而孤起。故梁武講經。以枳園寺法彪為都講。彪公先一問。梁祖方鼓舌端。載索載徴隨問隨答。此都講之大體也。又支遁至會稽。王內史請講維摩。許詢為都講。許發一問。眾謂支無以答。支答一義。眾謂詢無以難如是問答連環不盡。是知都講實難其人。又僧伽跋陀羅就講。弟子法勇傳譯僧念為都講。又僧導者京兆人也。為沙彌時。僧睿見而異之曰。君于佛法且欲何為。曰愿為法師作都講。睿曰。君當爲萬人法主。豈對揚小師乎。此則姚秦之世已有都講也。今之都講不聞擊問。舉唱經文。蓋似像古之都講
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 『毗曇慧學對法命家』（Abhidhamma，精通論藏的學者），雖然翻譯和傳播較晚，但在智藏（智母，可能是指某種論典或學派）中迅速發展成熟。學者們最初稽考越措（Yuecuo，可能是人名或地名）的疏文時，發現『成實宗』（Satya-siddhi-śāstra，意為『成就真實論』）擁有最多的法相（Dharma-laksana，佛法的特徵）。北方由鳩摩羅什（Kumārajīva）刪減並傳授給嵩法師（Song Fashi）。因此，後魏孝文帝太和十年，駕臨徐州白塔寺，詔令說：『此寺附近有名僧嵩法師，從鳩摩羅什處接受《成實論》，後傳授給淵法師，又傳授給登紀二法師。』朕經常看到《成實論》中說，道登（Daodeng）曾經在宮中傳講此論，這是北朝的開始。而且僧道（Sengdao）在禪定、戒律、論典方面都精通博大，姚興（Yao Xing）與他同乘一輦返回宮中，撰寫了《成實三論義疏》，這又更早了。南方則有僧柔（Sengrou）講宣此論。因此，《出三藏記》記載說：『齊永明七年十月，文宣王（Wenxuan Wang）招集京師碩學名僧五百人，請定林寺的僧柔講寺，慧欣（Huixin）在普弘寺講。』這是南朝的開始。又有肇睿（Zhaorui）等諸位法師講授《中論》、《百論》、《十二門論》等論典，疏義不斷涌現，相繼無盡。
都講
敷揚宣講佛法的人，引發討論的起因，不是由旁人來開啟，也不是讓在座的人孤立無援。因此，梁武帝（Liang Wudi）講經時，以枳園寺的法彪（Fabiao）為都講。法彪先提出一個問題，梁武帝才開始闡述，反覆探索，隨著問題而回答。這是都講的大體情況。又有支遁（Zhidun）到達會稽，王內史（Wang Neishi）請他講《維摩詰經》（Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa-sūtra），許詢（Xuxun）擔任都講。許詢提出一個問題，眾人都認為支遁無法回答。支遁回答了一個義理，眾人都認為許詢無法反駁，像這樣問答連環，沒有窮盡。由此可知，都講確實難以找到合適的人。又有僧伽跋陀羅（Saṃghabhadra）開始講經，弟子法勇（Fayong）翻譯，僧念（Sengnian）擔任都講。又有僧導（Sengdao），是京兆人。當他還是沙彌時，僧睿（Sengrui）見到他，感到驚異，說：『你對於佛法想要做什麼？』他說：『願意為法師做都講。』僧睿說：『你應當成為萬人的法主，難道只是對揚小師嗎？』由此可知，姚秦時代已經有都講了。現在的都講不聞擊問，只是舉唱經文，大概類似於古代的都講。
【English Translation】 English version: 『Abhidhamma』 (those skilled in the Abhidhamma Pitaka), although translated and propagated later, rapidly matured in the wisdom treasury (智母, possibly referring to a specific treatise or school). When scholars initially examined the commentaries of Yuecuo (越措, possibly a person or place name), they found that the 『Satya-siddhi-śāstra』 (成實宗, meaning 『Treatise on the Accomplishment of Truth』) possessed the most Dharma-laksana (法相, characteristics of the Dharma). In the north, Kumārajīva (鳩摩羅什) abridged and transmitted it to Dharma Master Song (嵩法師). Therefore, in the tenth year of the Taihe era of Emperor Xiaowen of the Later Wei dynasty, he visited the White Pagoda Temple in Xuzhou and decreed: 『Near this temple is the renowned Dharma Master Song, who received the Satya-siddhi-śāstra from Kumārajīva, and later transmitted it to Dharma Master Yuan, and then to Dharma Masters Deng and Ji.』 I often see in the Satya-siddhi-śāstra that Daodeng (道登) once lectured on this treatise in the palace, which was the beginning of the Northern Dynasties. Moreover, Sengdao (僧道) was profoundly learned in meditation, precepts, and treatises. Yao Xing (姚興) rode with him in the same carriage back to the palace and wrote the 『Commentary on the Meaning of the Three Treatises of the Satya-siddhi-śāstra,』 which was even earlier. In the south, Sengrou (僧柔) lectured and propagated this treatise. Therefore, the 『Record of the Translation of the Three Pitakas』 states: 『In the tenth month of the seventh year of the Yongming era of the Qi dynasty, King Wenxuan (文宣王) gathered five hundred eminent monks from the capital and invited Sengrou of Dinglin Temple to lecture, and Huixin (慧欣) lectured at Puhong Temple.』 This was the beginning of the Southern Dynasties. Furthermore, Dharma Masters Zhaorui (肇睿) and others lectured on treatises such as the 『Madhyamaka-kārikā』 (中論), 『Śata-śāstra』 (百論), and 『Dvādaśa-mukha-śāstra』 (十二門論), with commentaries constantly emerging and succeeding endlessly.
The 'Du Jiang' (都講, Lecture Moderator)
The person who expounds and proclaims the Dharma, the cause of initiating discussions, is not started by outsiders, nor is it to leave those present isolated and helpless. Therefore, when Emperor Wu of Liang (梁武帝) lectured on the scriptures, he appointed Fabiao (法彪) of Zhiyuan Temple as the Du Jiang. Fabiao first posed a question, and then Emperor Wu began to elaborate, exploring repeatedly and answering according to the questions. This is the general role of the Du Jiang. Furthermore, when Zhidun (支遁) arrived in Kuaiji, the Prefect Wang (王內史) invited him to lecture on the 『Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa-sūtra』 (維摩詰經), and Xuxun (許詢) served as the Du Jiang. Xuxun posed a question, and everyone thought that Zhidun could not answer it. Zhidun answered with a principle, and everyone thought that Xuxun could not refute it. The questions and answers continued in a chain, without end. From this, it can be seen that it is indeed difficult to find a suitable person for the role of Du Jiang. Moreover, when Saṃghabhadra (僧伽跋陀羅) began lecturing, his disciple Fayong (法勇) translated, and Sengnian (僧念) served as the Du Jiang. Furthermore, Sengdao (僧導) was a native of Jingzhao. When he was still a Śrāmaṇera, Sengrui (僧睿) saw him and was amazed, saying: 『What do you want to do with the Dharma?』 He said: 『I wish to serve as the Du Jiang for the Dharma Master.』 Sengrui said: 『You should become the Dharma Lord of ten thousand people; how could you merely be a small assistant?』 From this, it can be seen that the role of Du Jiang already existed in the Yao Qin era. The current Du Jiang is not heard asking questions, but merely reciting the scriptures, which is probably similar to the ancient Du Jiang.
耳。
傳禪觀法
禪法濫觴自此秦世僧睿法師序關中出禪經。其文則明心達理之趣也。然譬若始有其方。未能修合。弗聞療疾。徒曰醫書。矧以大教既敷群英分講。注之者矜其詞義。科之者逞其區分。執塵搖指。但尚其乘機應變解紛挫銳。唯觀其智刃辭鋒。都忘所詮。不求出離。江表遠公慨禪法未敷。於是苦求而得也。菩提達磨祖師觀此土之根緣。對一期之繁紊。而宣言曰。不立文字遣其執文滯逐也(箋曰。不遵王化。名曰叛臣。不繼父蹤。呼為逆子。敢有不循佛說。是謂魔外之徒。所以三世諸佛法無異說。十方眾聖授學同文。夫釋迦之經本也。達磨之言末也。背本逐末。良可悲哉。愚素習象胥。力根貝葉。遍問西來三藏。仍閱古今求法記文。天竺禪定並稟教乘。所以入正位者繼踵。五天蓋依法務實而行。佛言聖法不誤後學也。敢咨同志。學佛修禪。庶幾畢離苦津。高登彼岸。無以利口欺人自瞞于靈府也。經曰。若欲得道。當依佛語。違而得者。無有是處。可誣也哉)。
別立禪居
達磨之道既行。機鋒相遘者唱和。然其所化之眾唯隨寺別院而居且無異制。道信禪師住東林寺。能禪師住廣果寺。談禪師住白馬寺。皆一例律儀。唯參學者或行杜多。糞掃五納衣為異耳。後有百丈山禪師懷海。創
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本 耳。
傳禪觀法
禪法濫觴于秦朝，僧睿法師序述關中地區的《禪經》。其文旨在闡明心性，通達理趣。然而，這就像有了藥方，卻未能配製，不曾用來治療疾病，空有醫書之名。更何況當時佛教教義廣為傳播，眾多英才各自講解，註釋的人注重辭藻和意義，科判的人炫耀區分。他們執著于細枝末節，搖唇鼓舌，只崇尚隨機應變，解決紛爭，挫敗銳氣，只看重智慧的鋒芒和言辭的犀利，完全忘記了所要詮釋的真諦，不尋求出離。江表的遠公（慧遠大師）慨嘆禪法未能廣泛傳播，於是苦苦尋求而得。
菩提達磨祖師觀察到此土的根基和緣分，針對當時繁雜混亂的局面，宣稱：『不立文字』，是爲了去除人們執著于文字的弊端（箋曰：不遵守王化，被稱為叛臣；不繼承父親的足跡，被稱為逆子。膽敢不遵循佛陀的教誨，這就是魔外之徒。所以三世諸佛的教法沒有不同的說法，十方眾聖傳授的學問都是相同的。釋迦牟尼佛的經典是根本，達磨祖師的言語是末節。背離根本而追逐末節，實在可悲啊！我（愚）從小學習翻譯，努力研究貝葉經文，遍問從西方來的三藏法師，仍然查閱古今求法記文。天竺的禪定都稟承佛教的教義，所以進入正位的人接踵而至。五天（古印度）普遍依法務實而行，佛說聖法不會誤導後來的學習者。敢於請教各位同道，學習佛法，修習禪定，希望最終能夠脫離苦海，登上彼岸，不要用花言巧語欺騙別人，也欺騙自己的靈性。經書上說：『如果想要得道，應當依照佛陀的教誨。』違背佛陀的教誨而能得道，是沒有這種道理的。難道可以欺騙嗎？）。
別立禪居
達磨祖師的禪道盛行之後，機鋒相對的人互相唱和。然而，他們所教化的大眾只是隨著寺院或別院而居住，並沒有不同的制度。道信禪師住在東林寺，能禪師住在廣果寺，談禪師住在白馬寺，都遵循同樣的律儀，只有參禪學習的人或者修行頭陀行，以糞掃衣和五納衣為不同之處。後來有百丈山禪師懷海，創立了……
【English Translation】 English version Ear.
Transmission of Chan Contemplation Methods
The origins of Chan (Zen) practice can be traced back to the Qin dynasty, with the monk Sengrui's preface to the Chan Sutra from the Guanzhong region. Its text aims to clarify the mind and attain the principles of reason. However, it is like having a prescription but failing to prepare it, never using it to treat illness, merely possessing the name of a medical book. Moreover, with Buddhist teachings widely disseminated and numerous talents lecturing on them, those who annotate focus on rhetoric and meaning, while those who categorize boast of distinctions. They cling to trivialities, wag their tongues, only valuing adaptability, resolving disputes, and defeating sharpness, only valuing the sharpness of wisdom and the keenness of words, completely forgetting the truth to be explained, not seeking liberation. Yuan Gong (Master Huiyuan) of Jiangbiao lamented that Chan practice had not been widely disseminated, and thus earnestly sought and obtained it.
Bodhidharma (Bodhidharma), the Patriarch, observing the roots and conditions of this land, and addressing the complex and chaotic situation of the time, declared: 'Do not establish words,' in order to remove people's attachment to the drawbacks of words (Commentary: Not obeying the king's rule is called a rebellious subject; not following the father's footsteps is called a disobedient son. Daring not to follow the Buddha's teachings, this is called a demonic outsider. Therefore, the teachings of the Buddhas of the three worlds have no different sayings, and the learning taught by the saints of the ten directions is the same. Shakyamuni Buddha's sutras are the root, and Bodhidharma's words are the branches. Turning away from the root and pursuing the branches is truly lamentable! I (Yu) have studied translation since childhood, diligently researched the palm-leaf scriptures, and asked all the Tripitaka masters who came from the West, and still consulted ancient and modern records of seeking the Dharma. The meditation of India all inherits the teachings of Buddhism, so those who enter the correct position follow one after another. The five Indias (ancient India) universally follow the Dharma and act practically, and the Buddha said that the sacred Dharma will not mislead later learners. I dare to ask all fellow practitioners to study the Buddha's teachings and practice meditation, hoping to eventually escape the sea of suffering and ascend to the other shore, not to deceive others with eloquent words, and also deceive one's own spirit. The scriptures say: 'If you want to attain the Dao (the Way), you should follow the Buddha's teachings.' There is no such thing as attaining the Dao by violating the Buddha's teachings. Can it be deceived?).
Establishing Separate Chan Residences
After Bodhidharma's Chan way flourished, those who engaged in sharp exchanges echoed each other. However, the masses they taught only resided in temples or separate courtyards, without different systems. Chan Master Daoxin lived in Donglin Temple, Chan Master Neng lived in Guangguo Temple, and Chan Master Tan lived in Baima Temple, all following the same precepts, only those who studied Chan or practiced asceticism differed in wearing patched robes and five-piece robes. Later, Chan Master Huaihai of Mount Baizhang founded...
意經綸別立通堂。布長連床。勵其坐禪。坐歇則帶刀。斜臥高木。為椸架。凡百道具悉懸其上。所謂龍牙杙上也。有朝參暮請之禮。隨石磬木魚為節度。可宗者謂之長老。隨從者謂之侍者。主事者謂之寮司。共作者謂之普請。或有過者。主事示以柱杖。焚其衣缽。謂之誡罰。凡諸新例厥號叢林。與律不同。自百丈之始也(箋曰。禮樂花伐自天子出。則王道興。為佛寺僧規。稟如來制。則正法住矣)。
此土僧游西域
嗟乎騫憲雖征。只為開荒而奉命。騰蘭既至。未聞克志以求經。亦猶決一堤塘。內水既出。外水亦入。一出一入。然後知平矣。魏洛陽朱士行誓往西天。尋求般若。僧祐以為東僧西往之始焉。然只在蔥嶺之北于填而止。晉法顯募同志數十人。游于印度。登靈鷲山。此乃到中天之始也。厥後交肩接跡。至有漢寺別居東夏之僧。決堤之喻居可驗矣。若論傳譯之人。則多善一方。罕聞通解。唯奘三藏究兩土之音訓。瞻諸學之川源。如從佛聞。曲盡意。次則義凈躬游彼剎。妙達毗尼。改律范之妄迷。注密言之引合。遂得受持有驗流佈無疑矣。原其後漢以來。譯者相續。洎唐元和年中。翻本生心地觀經。之後百六十載寂爾無聞。宋太祖嘗遣百餘僧。往西方求法。太宋太平興國七年。有詔立譯經院于東京太
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 意經綸另立通堂，鋪設長長的連床，鼓勵僧人坐禪。坐禪休息時，就用帶刀斜靠在高木上，作為衣架。各種用具都懸掛在上面，這就是所謂的『龍牙杙』。有早晨參拜、晚上請安的禮節，隨著石磬木魚的節奏進行。可以作為宗師的人被稱為長老，隨從的人被稱為侍者，主管事務的人被稱為寮司，共同勞作的人被稱為普請。如果有人犯錯，主管事務的人就用柱杖警示，焚燒他的衣缽，這叫做誡罰。這些新的規例都稱為叢林，與律宗不同，是從百丈禪師開始的。（箋曰：禮樂征伐出自天子，則王道興盛；為佛寺制定僧規，遵循如來的制度，則正法長存。） 此土僧人西遊 唉！騫憲雖然奉命西征，也只是爲了開荒。騰蘭雖然來到中土，卻沒聽說他們立志求取佛經。這也像決開堤壩一樣，裡面的水流出去，外面的水也會流進來。一出一入，然後才知道水平衡了。魏國洛陽的朱士行發誓前往西天，尋求《般若經》。僧祐認為這是東土僧人西行的開始。然而他只到達蔥嶺以北的于闐就停止了。晉朝的法顯招募了數十位志同道合的人，遊歷印度，登上靈鷲山。這才是到達中天的開始。此後，人們接踵而至，甚至有漢地的寺廟專門居住來自東夏的僧人。決堤的比喻可以得到驗證了。如果論及翻譯佛經的人，大多隻擅長一方面，很少有人能夠通盤理解。只有玄奘三藏精通兩地的語音和訓詁，洞察各種學說的源流，就像從佛陀那裡親自聽聞一樣，詳盡地表達了佛經的含義。其次是義凈親自遊歷印度，精通毗尼，改正了律宗的錯誤和迷惑，註釋了密宗的隱晦之處，因此他的譯本能夠被人們接受、持有，並且經過驗證，毫無疑問地流傳開來。追溯到後漢以來，翻譯佛經的人相繼不斷，直到唐朝元和年間，翻譯了《本生心地觀經》之後，一百六十年間就寂靜無聞了。宋太祖曾經派遣一百多位僧人前往西方求法。太宗太平興國七年，有詔令在東京設立譯經院。
【English Translation】 English version: Yi Jinglun established a separate Tongtang (hall), laying out long connected beds to encourage monks to practice Zazen (seated meditation). When resting from Zazen, they would lean their swords against tall trees, using them as clothes racks. All kinds of implements were hung on them, which is what is called 'Dragon Tooth Peg'. There were rituals of morning greetings and evening requests for instruction, conducted in rhythm with stone chimes and wooden fish. Those who could be regarded as masters were called Elders, those who followed were called Attendants, those in charge of affairs were called Liaosi (officials), and those who worked together were called Puqing (common labor). If someone made a mistake, the person in charge would warn them with a staff and burn their robes and alms bowl, which was called a disciplinary punishment. These new regulations were all called 'Conglin' (monasteries), which differed from the Vinaya School and began with Baizhang (Zen master). (Commentary: If rites and music and military expeditions come from the Son of Heaven, then the royal way will flourish; if monastic rules are established for Buddhist temples and follow the system of the Tathagata, then the true Dharma will abide.) Monks from this land travel to the Western Regions Alas! Although Qian Xian was sent on a military expedition, it was only to open up wasteland. Although Teng Lan arrived in the Central Plains, it was not heard that they were determined to seek scriptures. This is like breaching a dam; when the water inside flows out, the water outside will also flow in. One out and one in, and then one knows that it is level. Zhu Shixing of Luoyang in the Wei Dynasty vowed to go to the Western Heaven to seek the Prajna Sutra. Sengyou believed that this was the beginning of monks from the East going to the West. However, he only reached Khotan, north of the Pamir Mountains, and stopped. Faxian of the Jin Dynasty recruited dozens of like-minded people to travel to India and climb Mount Gridhrakuta (Vulture Peak). This was the beginning of reaching the Middle Heaven. Thereafter, people followed one after another, and there were even Han temples specifically for monks from the East Xia (China). The analogy of breaching the dam can be verified. If we talk about those who translated Buddhist scriptures, most of them were only good at one aspect, and few could understand everything. Only Xuanzang (Tripitaka Master) was proficient in the phonology and exegesis of both lands, and understood the origins of various doctrines, just like hearing it directly from the Buddha, and expressed the meaning of the Buddhist scriptures in detail. Next was Yijing, who personally traveled to India, was proficient in the Vinaya, corrected the errors and confusions of the Vinaya School, and annotated the obscure points of the esoteric teachings, so his translations could be accepted, held, and verified, and spread without doubt. Tracing back to the Later Han Dynasty, translators of Buddhist scriptures continued one after another, until the Yuanhe period of the Tang Dynasty, after the Sutra of the Original Vows on the Ground of Being was translated, there was silence for one hundred and sixty years. Emperor Taizu of the Song Dynasty once sent more than one hundred monks to the West to seek the Dharma. In the seventh year of the Taiping Xingguo period of Emperor Taizong, an edict was issued to establish a translation institute in Tokyo.
平興國寺之西偏。聚三藏天息災等梵僧數員。及選兩街明義學僧。同譯新經。譯經之務大宋中興也。
傳密藏
密藏者陀羅尼法也。是法秘密非二乘境界。諸佛菩薩所能游履也。舊譯云持。新譯云性。本其原則微妙法性也。形其言則陀羅尼母也。究其音則聲明也。窮其文則字界緣也。出三藏記云。神咒者總持微密持也。高僧傳中。帛尸梨密多羅本西域人。東晉之初至於建業。王導周伯仁庾亮皆欽重之。善持咒術。所向多驗。時江東未有咒法。密出孔雀王咒。咒法之始也。北魏則嵩山菩提流支咒井樹等。頗有靈效。唐朝則智通法師甚精禁咒焉。次有不空三藏。于京大興善寺。廣譯總持教。多設曼荼羅。神術莫可知也。灌頂壇法始於不空。代宗永泰年中。敕灌頂道場處。選二七人。為國長誦佛頂咒。及免差科地稅云。梁末後唐世。道賢阇梨者。一夕夢遊五天竺。見佛指示此某國聚落。洎旦頓解五印言音。毫釐不爽。今傳粉壇法。並宗此師。鳳翔阿阇梨是也。後唐清泰帝尤旌其道。后隨駕入洛而卒。今塔在龍門。近東京南。日本大師常為王公大人演密藏。至今弟子繁衍。傳其業者號曰三藏。或兼講經律論者。則稱傳顯密藏也。
外學
夫學不厭博。有所不知。蓋闕如也。吾宗致遠。以三乘法而運載
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本 平興國寺的西側，聚集了三藏天息災（Sanzang Tianxizai，譯經僧人）等幾位梵僧，以及挑選的兩街精通義學的僧人，共同翻譯新的佛經。翻譯佛經的事業，是大宋中興時期的一項重要舉措。
傳密藏
密藏指的是陀羅尼法（Dharani，總持之法）。這種法門深奧秘密，不是聲聞、緣覺二乘（Sravaka and Pratyekabuddha，小乘佛教的兩種修行者）所能達到的境界，而是諸佛菩薩才能遊歷的境界。舊譯為『持』，新譯為『性』，根本在於其微妙的法性。從語言形式上說，它是陀羅尼之母。從聲音上來說，它是聲明（Shabda-vidya，古印度五明之一，研究語音、語法和語言學的學科）。從文字上來說，它是字界緣起。出三藏記中說：『神咒是總持微密的持。』《高僧傳》中記載，帛尸梨密多羅（Sri-Mitra，西域僧人）原本是西域人，東晉初年來到建業（Jianye，今南京），王導（Wang Dao）、周伯仁（Zhou Boren）、庾亮（Yu Liang）都非常敬重他。他擅長持咒之術，所求多有應驗。當時江東地區還沒有咒法，他秘密傳出孔雀王咒，這是咒法的開端。北魏時期，菩提流支（Bodhiruci，北魏時期來華譯經的印度僧人）在嵩山用咒語加持井和樹木等，頗有靈驗。唐朝時，智通法師非常精通禁咒。後來有不空三藏（Amoghavajra，唐代密宗大師），在京城大興善寺廣泛翻譯總持教，設定了很多曼荼羅（Mandala，壇場），其神術不可測度。灌頂壇法（Abhiseka，密宗的一種儀式）始於不空。唐代宗永泰年間，敕令灌頂道場選出十四人（二七人），為國家長誦佛頂咒，並免除其差科地稅。梁末後唐時期，道賢阿阇梨（Acharya，精通佛法、堪為師範的僧人）一夜夢遊五天竺（Panca-Mahabhumi，古印度五個區域的統稱），見到佛指示他某個國家的聚落，醒來后立刻通曉五印度的語言，毫釐不爽。現在流傳的粉壇法，都以這位法師為宗。鳳翔阿阇梨也是如此。後唐清泰帝尤其讚揚他的道行。後來他隨駕入洛陽而去世，現在的塔就在龍門，靠近東京（今開封）南面。日本大師經常為王公大人講解密藏。至今弟子繁衍，傳承其事業的人被稱為三藏。或者兼講經、律、論的人，則被稱為傳顯密藏。
外學
學習不厭其多，有所不知，就有所欠缺。我們宗門的宗旨是追求遠大，用三乘之法來運載眾生。
【English Translation】 English version To the west of Pingxing Temple, several Sanskrit monks, including Tripitaka Tianxizai (Sanzang Tianxizai, a sutra translator), gathered, along with selected learned monks from both streets who were well-versed in the meaning of the scriptures, to jointly translate new sutras. The task of translating sutras was an important undertaking during the revival of the Great Song Dynasty.
Transmission of the Esoteric Treasury
The Esoteric Treasury refers to the Dharani (Dharani, the method of total retention). This method is profound and secret, not a realm that can be reached by the Two Vehicles of Sravakas and Pratyekabuddhas (Sravaka and Pratyekabuddha, two types of practitioners in Hinayana Buddhism), but a realm that can be traversed by all Buddhas and Bodhisattvas. The old translation is 'holding,' and the new translation is 'nature,' based on its subtle Dharma nature. In terms of linguistic form, it is the mother of Dharanis. In terms of sound, it is Shabda-vidya (Shabda-vidya, one of the five sciences in ancient India, the study of phonetics, grammar, and linguistics). In terms of writing, it is the origination of the realm of letters. The Record of the Tripitaka states: 'Divine mantras are the total retention of the subtle and secret holding.' The Biographies of Eminent Monks records that Sri-Mitra (Sri-Mitra, a monk from the Western Regions) was originally from the Western Regions. He came to Jianye (Jianye, present-day Nanjing) in the early Eastern Jin Dynasty, and Wang Dao (Wang Dao), Zhou Boren (Zhou Boren), and Yu Liang (Yu Liang) all respected him very much. He was skilled in holding mantras, and his requests were often answered. At that time, there were no mantra methods in the Jiangdong region, and he secretly transmitted the Peacock King Mantra, which was the beginning of mantra methods. During the Northern Wei Dynasty, Bodhiruci (Bodhiruci, an Indian monk who came to China during the Northern Wei Dynasty to translate sutras) used mantras to bless wells and trees in Mount Song, which were quite effective. During the Tang Dynasty, Dharma Master Zhitong was very proficient in incantations. Later, Tripitaka Amoghavajra (Amoghavajra, a master of Esoteric Buddhism in the Tang Dynasty) widely translated the teachings of total retention in Daxingshan Temple in the capital, and set up many Mandalas (Mandala, sacred space), whose divine arts were unfathomable. The Abhisheka (Abhiseka, a ritual in Esoteric Buddhism) altar method began with Amoghavajra. During the Yongtai period of Emperor Daizong of the Tang Dynasty, an imperial decree ordered the Abhisheka site to select fourteen people (two sevens) to chant the Ushnishavijaya Dharani for the country and exempt them from corvée and land taxes. During the late Liang and Later Tang periods, Acharya Daoxian (Acharya, a monk who is proficient in Buddhism and can be a teacher) dreamed of traveling to the Five Indias (Panca-Mahabhumi, a general term for the five regions of ancient India) one night, and saw the Buddha instructing him about a village in a certain country. Upon waking up, he immediately understood the languages of the Five Indias without any discrepancy. The currently transmitted powdered altar method is based on this master. The Acharya of Fengxiang is also like this. Emperor Qingtai of the Later Tang Dynasty especially praised his practice. Later, he followed the imperial court to Luoyang and passed away. His pagoda is now in Longmen, near the south of Tokyo (present-day Kaifeng). Japanese masters often lectured on the Esoteric Treasury for princes and nobles. To this day, his disciples have multiplied, and those who inherit his work are called Tripitaka. Or those who also lecture on the Sutras, Vinaya, and Shastras are called transmitters of the Exoteric and Esoteric Treasury.
External Learning
Learning is never too much; if there is something you do not know, then there is a deficiency. The aim of our school is to pursue the distant, using the Three Vehicles to transport sentient beings.
焉。然或魔障相陵。必須禦侮。禦侮之術。莫若知彼敵情。敵情者。西竺則韋陀。東夏則經籍矣。故祇洹寺中有四韋陀院。外道以為宗極。又有書院。大千界內所有不同文書並集其中。佛俱許讀之。為伏外道。而不許依其見也。此土古德高僧能攝伏異宗者。率由博學之故。譬如夷狄之人。言語不通。飲食不同。孰能達其志通其欲。其或微解胡語。立便馴知矣。是以習鑿齒道安以詼諧而伏之。宗雷之輩慧遠以詩禮而誘之。權無二復禮以辨惑而柔之。陸鴻漸皎然以詩式而友之。此皆不施他術。唯通外學耳。況乎儒道二教義理玄邈。釋子既精本業。何好鉆極以廣見聞。勿滯於一方也。
大宋僧史略捲上 大正藏第 54 冊 No. 2126 大宋僧史略
大宋僧史略卷中(咸平二年重更修理)
右街僧錄通慧大師贊寧奉 敕撰二十四道俗立制二十五行香唱導二十六讚唄之由二十七僧寺綱紏二十八立僧正(立尼正附)二十九僧統三十沙門都統三十一左右街僧錄三十二僧主副員三十三講經論首座三十四國師三十五雜任職員三十六僧主秩俸(尼附)三十七管屬僧尼(祠部牒附)三十八僧道班立三十九內道場(生日道場附)四十僧籍弛張
道俗立制
佛法流行。隨時制斷合毗尼之繩紏。則案毗
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本：因此，或許會有魔障相互侵擾，必須抵禦。抵禦的方法，沒有比了解敵情更好的了。敵情是什麼呢？在西竺（印度）就是《韋陀》（Veda），在東夏（中國）就是經書典籍了。所以祇洹寺（Jetavana Vihara）中有四個《韋陀》院，外道（非佛教的宗教）把它們當作最高的準則。還有書院，大千世界內所有不同的文書都彙集在那裡，佛（Buddha）都允許閱讀，爲了降伏外道，但不允許依照他們的見解。這片土地上古代德高望重的僧人能夠攝伏其他宗派的，大多是因為博學。譬如對待夷狄之人，語言不通，飲食不同，誰能瞭解他們的心意，滿足他們的慾望呢？如果稍微懂得一些胡語，立刻就能馴服了解他們了。因此，習鑿齒、道安用詼諧的方式來降伏他們，宗雷、慧遠之輩用詩歌禮儀來引導他們，權無二、復禮用辯論來使他們順服，陸鴻漸、皎然用詩歌的體式來與他們交朋友。這些都沒有使用其他的方法，只是通曉外學罷了。更何況儒、道二教義理玄妙深遠，佛家弟子既然精通本業，為什麼不好好鉆研，廣泛見聞呢？不要侷限於一個方面啊。
《大宋僧史略》捲上 大正藏第 54 冊 No. 2126 《大宋僧史略》
《大宋僧史略》卷中（咸平二年重修）
右街僧錄通慧大師贊寧奉 敕撰 二十四 道俗立制 二十五 行香唱導 二十六 讚唄之由 二十七 僧寺綱紏 二十八 立僧正（立尼正附） 二十九 僧統 三十 沙門都統 三十一 左右街僧錄 三十二 僧主副員 三十三 講經論首座 三十四 國師 三十五 雜任職員 三十六 僧主秩俸（尼附） 三十七 管屬僧尼（祠部牒附） 三十八 僧道班立 三十九 內道場（生日道場附） 四十 僧籍弛張
道俗立制
佛法流行，隨時制定斷事，符合毗尼（Vinaya，戒律）的繩墨糾正，就按照毗尼（Vinaya，戒律）來處理。
【English Translation】 English version: Therefore, there may be demonic obstacles that encroach upon each other, and one must defend against them. The best way to defend is to know the enemy's situation. What is the enemy's situation? In West India (India), it is the 'Veda' (Veda), and in East Xia (China), it is the scriptures and classics. Therefore, in Jetavana Vihara (Jetavana Vihara), there are four 'Veda' academies, which the heretics (non-Buddhist religions) regard as the highest standard. There are also academies where all different documents within the great chiliocosm are gathered, and the Buddha (Buddha) allows them to be read, in order to subdue the heretics, but does not allow them to follow their views. The ancient virtuous monks in this land who were able to subdue other sects mostly did so because of their extensive learning. For example, with regard to the Yi and Di people (barbarians), their languages are different, and their diets are different. Who can understand their intentions and satisfy their desires? If one understands a little of the barbarian language, one can immediately tame and understand them. Therefore, Xi Zaochi and Dao An subdued them with humor, while Zong Lei, Hui Yuan and others guided them with poetry and etiquette, Quan Wu'er and Fu Li subdued them with debate, and Lu Hongjian and Jiao Ran befriended them with the style of poetry. These all did not use other methods, but only understood external learning. Moreover, the doctrines of Confucianism and Taoism are profound and far-reaching. Since Buddhist disciples are proficient in their own profession, why not study hard and broaden their knowledge? Do not be confined to one area.
Da Song Seng Shi Lue, Scroll 1 Taisho Tripitaka, Volume 54, No. 2126, Da Song Seng Shi Lue
Da Song Seng Shi Lue, Scroll 2 (Re-repaired in the second year of Xianping)
Composed by Master Zanning, the Tonghui Master of the Right Street Sangha Registry, by Imperial Order 24 Regulations Established for Monks, Nuns, Laity 25 Incense Offering and Guidance 26 Origins of Praises and Chants 27 Regulations for Monasteries 28 Establishment of Sangha Chief (with attached regulations for Nuns) 29 Sangha Superintendent 30 Sha Men (Sramana) Chief Commander 31 Left and Right Street Sangha Registrars 32 Sangha Masters and Deputies 33 Chief Seat for Sutra Lectures and Discussions 34 National Preceptor 35 Miscellaneous Appointed Officials 36 Stipends for Sangha Masters (with attached regulations for Nuns) 37 Monks and Nuns Under Jurisdiction (with attached Ministry of Personnel Documents) 38 Establishment of Monastic and Taoist Ranks 39 Inner Altar (with attached Birthday Altar) 40 Relaxation and Expansion of Monastic Registration
Regulations Established for Monks, Nuns, Laity
As the Buddha Dharma spreads, regulations are established from time to time to judge matters, conforming to the plumb line of the Vinaya (Vinaya, monastic discipline) for correction, and matters are handled according to the Vinaya (Vinaya, monastic discipline).
尼。堪別法之處量須循別法。故佛訶比丘云。巧避我製造種種過故。許同時立方毗尼。涅槃后立未來教。以為律范所不圍。篇科所不載。則比附而求之也。以是篇聚之外別有僧制焉。今時比丘或住一林居一院。皆和眾立條。約束行止。俾不罹于愆失也。晉道安法師傷戒律之未全。痛威儀之多缺。故彌縫其闕。埭堰其流。立三例以命章。使一時而生信。一行香定座上講。二六時禮懺。三布薩等法。過逾此法者。則別立遮防。安弟子法遇講化于荊州。時有學徒飲酒。遇罰而不遣。安在襄陽聞之。封小棰以寄遇。遇詳師意。集眾諭之。令直日打遇二十撲。封棰卻還。故習鑿齒與謝安書云。安能肅眾。上之三例天下翕然奉行也。又支遁立眾僧集儀度。慧遠立法社節度。至於宣律師。立鳴鐘軌度。分五眾物儀。章服儀歸敬儀。此並附時傍教相次而出。鑿空開荒。則道安為僧制之始也。後魏世宗宣武帝即位下詔曰。緇素既分。法律亦異。道教彰于互顯。禁勸各有所宜。其僧犯殺人。以上罪依俗格斷。余犯悉付昭玄。以內律僧制判之(景明年中帝新撰之)時魏與梁通和。要貴多遣人。隨使交易。唯崔暹(字季倫)寄求佛經。梁祖繕寫並幡花讚唄送至館。暹嘗命沙門明藏著佛論而已署名。其好佛法為若此也。先是僧尼猥濫暹奏設科條篇
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 如果用堪別法（Kanabhilaasha，意為『渴望』）來衡量，就必須遵循堪別法。所以佛陀呵斥比丘說：『你們巧妙地躲避我所制定的種種過失。』允許同時制定毗尼（Vinaya，意為『戒律』），在涅槃（Nirvana，意為『寂滅』）後製定未來的教規，這些教規不受律藏的限制，也不在篇章科條的記載之中，只能通過比附來尋求。因此，在篇聚之外，另有僧團的制度。現在有些比丘住在林中或寺院裡，都由僧眾共同制定規條，約束行為舉止，使他們不至於犯錯。晉朝的道安法師（Dao An）感嘆戒律的不完整，痛心威儀的缺失，所以彌補其不足，疏導其流弊，制定了三條規範來命令僧眾，使一時之間人們都產生了信心：一是行香、定座、講經；二是六時禮懺；三是布薩（Posadha，意為『齋戒』）等法事。超過這些規範的，就另外製定遮止防範的措施。道安的弟子法遇（Fa Yu）在荊州講經說法時，有學徒飲酒，受到懲罰卻沒有被遣送走。道安在襄陽聽到這件事，就封了一根小棍子寄給法遇。法遇明白師父的意思，召集僧眾告誡他們，命令值日僧打了法遇二十下，然後把棍子封好送還。所以習鑿齒（Xi Zaochi）給謝安（Xie An）的信中說：『道安能夠整肅僧眾。』他制定的三條規範，天下都欣然奉行。此外，支遁（Zhi Dun）制定了眾僧集會的儀軌，慧遠（Hui Yuan）制定了法社的節度。到了宣律師（Xuan Lu Shi），制定了鳴鐘的軌度，劃分了五眾的物品儀制、章服儀制、歸敬儀制。這些都是隨著時代和教相的演變而產生的。如果說開創僧制，那麼道安就是僧制的開創者。後魏世宗宣武帝（Xuanwu Emperor）即位後下詔說：『僧人和俗人既然有別，法律也應該不同。道教的彰顯在於互相顯揚，禁令和勸導各有其適宜之處。僧人如果犯了殺人等重罪，按照世俗的法律判決；其餘的罪行，都交給昭玄寺（Zhao Xuan Temple），按照內律僧制來判決。』（景明年中，皇帝重新撰寫了這些規定）當時北魏與南梁通和，朝廷要員大多派遣人隨使節進行貿易，只有崔暹（Cui Xian，字季倫）請求寄送佛經。梁武帝（Liang Wu Di）繕寫了佛經，並附上幡花讚唄送到驛館。崔暹曾經命令沙門明藏（Ming Zang）撰寫佛學論著，並且署上自己的名字。他愛好佛法到了這種程度。在此之前，僧尼人數眾多而素質低下，崔暹上奏設立科條篇章。
【English Translation】 English version: If measured by Kanabhilaasha (meaning 'desire'), one must follow Kanabhilaasha. Therefore, the Buddha rebuked the Bhikkhus (monks): 'You cleverly avoid the various faults that I have established.' It is permissible to establish Vinaya (meaning 'discipline') simultaneously, and to establish future precepts after Nirvana (meaning 'extinction'), which are not limited by the Vinaya Pitaka (collection of monastic rules) nor recorded in chapters and sections, but can only be sought through analogy. Therefore, in addition to the sections and collections, there are separate Sangha (monastic community) systems. Nowadays, some Bhikkhus live in forests or monasteries, and the Sangha jointly establishes rules to restrain their behavior, so that they do not commit mistakes. During the Jin Dynasty, Dharma Master Dao An lamented the incompleteness of the precepts and mourned the lack of dignified conduct, so he made up for the deficiencies and dredged the malpractices, establishing three norms to command the Sangha, so that people immediately generated faith: first, incense offering, fixed seating, and sutra lecturing; second, six periods of repentance; and third, Posadha (meaning 'fasting') and other Dharma services. Those who exceed these norms are subject to additional preventive measures. Dao An's disciple, Fa Yu, was lecturing in Jingzhou when a student drank alcohol and was punished but not sent away. Dao An heard about this in Xiangyang and sent a small stick to Fa Yu. Fa Yu understood his teacher's meaning, gathered the Sangha to admonish them, and ordered the duty monk to beat Fa Yu twenty times, then sealed the stick and sent it back. Therefore, Xi Zaochi wrote to Xie An, saying: 'Dao An is able to discipline the Sangha.' The three norms he established were happily followed by the world. In addition, Zhi Dun established the rituals for Sangha gatherings, and Hui Yuan established the regulations for the Dharma society. As for Lawyer Xuan Lu, he established the rules for ringing the bell, and divided the items, clothing, and reverence rituals for the five assemblies. These all arose with the evolution of the times and teachings. If we talk about creating Sangha systems, then Dao An was the originator of Sangha systems. Emperor Xuanwu of the Later Wei Dynasty issued an edict upon his accession to the throne, saying: 'Since monks and laypeople are different, the laws should also be different. The manifestation of Taoism lies in mutual promotion, and prohibitions and exhortations each have their appropriate places. If monks commit serious crimes such as murder, they shall be judged according to secular law; other crimes shall be handed over to Zhao Xuan Temple to be judged according to the internal Vinaya system.' (In the middle of the Jingming year, the emperor rewrote these regulations) At that time, Northern Wei and Southern Liang were at peace, and most court officials sent people to trade with the envoys, but only Cui Xian (Zi Jilun) requested to send Buddhist scriptures. Emperor Wu of Liang had the scriptures copied and sent them to the post house with banners, flowers, and praises. Cui Xian once ordered the Shramana (Buddhist monk) Ming Zang to write Buddhist treatises and signed his own name. This is how much he loved Buddhism. Before this, there were many monks and nuns with low quality, and Cui Xian requested to establish chapters and sections of regulations.
沙門法上為昭玄都。以撿約之。又南齊文宣王著僧制一卷。又梁祖造光宅寺。詔法雲為寺主。創立僧制用為后范。觀其北魏南朝。俗施僧制。而皆婉約且不淫傷。由輕法之網羅。有惡人之穿穴。脫漏而墮。不至誅刑之上。其可得乎。為僧者茍未修行。但能避刑憲。亦逍遙之上士也。
行香唱導
香也者解穢流芬。令人樂聞也。原其周人尚臭。冥合西域重香。佛出姬朝。遠同符契矣。經中長者請佛。宿夜登樓。手秉香罏。以達信心。明日食時。佛即來至。故知香為信心之使也。大遺教經曰。比丘欲食。先燒香唄讚之。又經中。蛇呼比丘自說宿緣。令為懺悔。並將仙提來取我行香。此方教法既行。經律散漫故。安法師三例中。第一是行香定座上講。斯乃中夏行香之始也。後魏及江表皆重散香且無沿革。至唐高宗朝。薛元起李義府奉敕為太子齋行香。因禮奘三藏。又中宗設無遮齋。詔五品以上行香。或用然香薰手。或將香粖遍行。謂之行香。后不空三藏奏為高祖太宗七聖忌辰設齋行香。敕旨宜依。尋因多故不齋但行香而已。文宗朝中書崔䗍上疏云。國忌設齋。百官行香。事無經據。伏請停廢。敕曰。崔䗍所奏遂遣討尋本末。禮文令式曾不該明。其兩京天下州府國忌于寺觀行香。今後並宜停罷嘗試論之。崔䗍言無
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本：沙門法上被任命為昭玄都（僧官名）。通過制定規章制度來約束僧眾。南齊文宣王也曾著有《僧制》一卷。梁武帝建造光宅寺，詔令法雲擔任寺主，並創立僧製作為後世的典範。縱觀北魏和南朝，統治者頒佈僧制，但都比較委婉，不至於過分嚴苛。這是因為法律的網眼過於稀疏，惡人得以從中鉆空子，逃脫懲罰。如果做僧人只是爲了逃避刑罰，也能逍遙自在，那還算得上是高尚之士嗎？
行香唱導
香，能夠消除污穢，散發芬芳，令人愉悅。追溯其源頭，周朝人崇尚氣味，這與西域重視香的習俗暗合。佛陀出現在周朝，這與遠古的契約相符。經典中記載，長者邀請佛陀，在樓上過夜，手中拿著香爐，以此表達信心。第二天吃飯時，佛陀就來了。由此可知，香是信心的使者。《大遺教經》中說，比丘在吃飯前，要先燒香並唱贊。又有經典記載，蛇呼喚比丘，自己講述前世的因緣，讓他懺悔，並將仙提（不確定含義，疑為某種香料）拿來為我行香。此方（指中國）佛教教法盛行，但經律散亂，所以安法師在三例中，第一條就是行香定座上講。這是中原地區行香的開始。後魏和江表地區都重視散香，但沒有沿襲發展。到了唐高宗時期，薛元起、李義府奉旨為太子齋戒行香，因此向玄奘三藏行禮。中宗時期設立無遮齋（一種廣設齋席，不分貴賤的齋會），詔令五品以上的官員行香。或者用燃香薰手，或者將香末遍灑，這叫做行香。後來，不空三藏上奏，為高祖、太宗七聖忌辰設立齋戒行香。皇帝下旨同意。不久因為各種原因沒有設齋，只是行香而已。文宗時期，中書崔䗍上疏說，國忌設齋，百官行香，沒有經典依據，請求停止。皇帝說，崔䗍所奏，於是派人查詢本末，禮文令式中沒有明確說明。因此，兩京和天下州府在寺觀中舉行的國忌行香，今後都應該停止。試著論述一下，崔䗍所言沒有
【English Translation】 English version: The Shramana Fa Shang was appointed as Zhaoxuandu (a title for a monastic official). He used regulations to restrain the monks. Emperor Wenxuan of Southern Qi also wrote a volume of 'Monastic Regulations'. Emperor Wu of Liang built Guangzhai Temple and ordered Fayun to be the abbot, establishing monastic regulations as a model for later generations. Looking at the Northern Wei and Southern Dynasties, the rulers issued monastic regulations, but they were all relatively tactful and not overly harsh. This is because the net of the law was too sparse, allowing evil people to exploit loopholes, escape punishment. If being a monk is only to avoid punishment and still be carefree, can that be considered a noble person?
Incense Offering and Guidance
Incense can eliminate impurities and spread fragrance, making people happy. Tracing its origins, the people of the Zhou dynasty valued odors, which coincided with the Western Regions' emphasis on incense. The Buddha appeared in the Zhou dynasty, which is in accordance with ancient agreements. The sutras record that an elder invited the Buddha to stay overnight in a tower, holding an incense burner in his hand to express his faith. The next day at mealtime, the Buddha arrived. From this, it can be known that incense is the messenger of faith. The 'Great Legacy Sutra' says that before eating, a Bhikshu should first burn incense and chant praises. Another sutra records that a snake called out to a Bhikshu, telling him about his past karma, asking him to repent, and bring Xiantai (uncertain meaning, suspected to be a kind of spice) to offer incense for me. In this land (referring to China), Buddhist teachings are prevalent, but the sutras and Vinaya are scattered, so Master An's first of the three examples is to offer incense, sit in meditation, and then lecture. This is the beginning of incense offering in the Central Plains. The Later Wei and Jiangbiao regions valued scattering incense, but did not continue to develop it. During the reign of Emperor Gaozong of Tang, Xue Yuanqi and Li Yifu were ordered to offer incense for the Crown Prince's fasting, so they paid respects to the Tripiṭaka Master Xuanzang. During the reign of Emperor Zhongzong, an Unrestricted Feast (a feast where all are welcome regardless of status) was established, and officials of the fifth rank and above were ordered to offer incense. Either burning incense to fumigate the hands, or scattering incense powder everywhere, this is called incense offering. Later, Amoghavajra memorialized to establish fasting and incense offering for the memorial days of Emperor Gaozu and Emperor Taizong. The emperor issued an edict agreeing. Soon after, for various reasons, there was no fasting, only incense offering. During the reign of Emperor Wenzong, Cui Cong of the Ministry of Personnel submitted a memorial saying that there is no scriptural basis for the court to set up a vegetarian feast and for the officials to offer incense. He requested that it be stopped. The emperor said that Cui Cong's memorial was sent to find out the whole story, but the ritual regulations did not clearly state it. Therefore, the national memorial incense offerings held in temples and monasteries in the two capitals and throughout the prefectures of the world should be stopped from now on. Let's try to discuss it, Cui Cong's words are not
經據者。蛇之行香豈無經也。安公引教設儀。豈無據也。敕云討尋本末禮文令式曾不該明者。三代之禮何嘗言飯釋子而行香耶。且令式唯是歷代沿革之法律。如代宗后之條格。豈標在隋末唐初之令式乎。矧以禮出儒家。詎可將釋書為據。事因釋氏。無宜用儒典為憑。就體證之。方云合理。儒流不許。還引儒書。何異獄訟之人召親黨而作證。若欲除廢。其無辭乎。夫孝子事祖考。唯善是從徇葬不益於生生。固宜寢也。行香是薦于冥漠。知無不為觀。文宗薄于祖宗。宜其寄坐矣。或曰何必行香為通。曰如周之尚臭燔柴血膋薌蕭。言天歆其臭也。天豈食血膋薌蕭之氣邪。由人尚其臭故。以臭而事天也。若然者。佛教重香。寧可奪乎。況百官行香代君也。百官事祖宗。亦臣子也。茍欲廢之。如忠孝何。宣宗即位再興斯道。大中五年。敕京城及外州府。國忌行香並須清潔。不得攜酒肉入寺烹炮。既失嚴恪之心。頗乖追薦之道云。自此至於哀帝。行香如舊。朱梁廢唐。七廟方止。開平三年。大明節百官入寺。行香祝壽。后還薦祖宗。行香於今不絕。晉天福五年。竇貞固奏國忌宰臣跪爐百官列座。今欲宰臣跪爐百官立班。行香后飯僧百人。永為常式。宋大宗淳化三年。虞部員外郎李宗訥奏國忌行香請宰臣已下行香。后禁酒食表其精潔
。
敕下御史臺依行。
唱導者始則西域上座凡赴請。咒愿曰。二足常安。四足亦安。一切時中皆吉祥等。以悅可檀越之心也。舍利弗多辯才。曾作上座。贊導頗佳。白衣大歡喜。此為表白之椎輪也。梁高僧傳論云。夫唱導所貴。其事四焉。一聲也。二辯也。三才也。四博也。非聲則無以警眾。非辯則無以適時。非才則言無可採。非博則語無依據。此其大體也。據寄歸傳中雲。焚香胡跪。嘆佛相好。合是導師胡跪爾。或直聲告或詰曲聲也。又西域凡覲國王。必有贊德之儀。法流東夏。其任尤重。如見大官謁王者。須一明練者通暄涼序情意贊風化。此亦唱導之事也。齊竟陵王有導文。梁僧祐著齊主讚歎緣記及諸色咒愿文。陳隋世高僧真觀深善斯道。有道文集焉。從唐至今。此法盛行於代也。
讚唄之由
讚唄原始。案十誦律中。俱胝耳(即億耳也)作三契聲以贊佛。其人善唄易瞭解。阿含中。善和羅作善諷誦。令影勝大王象馬不行。此土則康僧會傳泥洹讚唄。支謙制連句梵唄。又開士法勝善阿毗曇心。別撰二百五偈以為要解。號曰心。其頌聲也撰象天樂。若靈籥自發儀刑群品。觸物有寄。一吟一詠狀鳥步獸行也。一弄一引類乎物情也。情與類遷。則聲隨九變而成歌。氣與數合。則五音協律而俱
作。附之金石。則百獸率舞。奏之管絃。則人神同感。斯乃窮音聲之妙會也。魏子建嘗游魚山而感音。翻其曲折同合沙門之唄𠽋焉。南齊竟陵王子良將經中偈契訊息。調音曲盡其妙。著贊梵唄偈文一卷。又帛法橋者尤善梵唄。高僧傳中其人頗多。此不具錄。後趙石勒建平年中。有神降於安邑廳事。諷詠經音。七日方絕。僧有摹寫為梵唄焉。或曰。梵唄之聲此何益也。通曰。一者佛道法樂也。此音韻雖哀不傷。雖樂不淫。折中中和故為法樂也。二者諸天鬼神聞皆歡喜故。三者諸佛常法。十方剎土何莫由斯樂也。
僧寺綱紏
夫言寺者嗣也。治事者相嗣續于其內也。既用官司之名。無虧佛事之業。故子續其父。資逾于師。此相嗣而接蹤。當克勤而成事也。案西域知事僧總曰羯磨陀那。譯為知事。亦曰悅眾。謂知其事悅其眾也。稽其佛世。飲光統眾于靈鷲。身子蒞事于竹林。及沓婆摩羅年甫十六已證應真。其後念身不牢固。請為僧知事。指夜出光分僧臥具。故佛贊言。我弟子為僧知房舍差。次請食沓婆摩羅子為第一。如其赴請群集。誰合受第一水果飲食等。佛言。以其年臘最高者為之。謂之上座。及佛教東漸。漢魏之間。如網未設其綱。如舟未下其碇。殆姚秦之世。出家者十室而半。羅什入關。贏糧裹足。而至
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本：創作樂曲，附之於金石樂器，就能使百獸跟隨音樂起舞；演奏管樂絃樂，就能使人和神都受到感動。這真是窮盡了聲音的微妙之處啊！魏國的曹植（字子建）曾經遊覽魚山，被那裡的音樂所感動，於是將那些曲調改編，與沙門的梵唄融合在一起。南齊的竟陵王蕭子良將佛經中的偈語與音律結合，使音曲達到了極致的妙處，並著有《贊梵唄偈文》一卷。還有帛法橋，尤其擅長梵唄。高僧傳中記載了很多這樣的人，這裡就不一一列舉了。後趙石勒在建平年間，有神降臨在安邑的廳堂，吟誦經文的聲音，持續了七天才停止。僧人有人摹寫下來，作為梵唄。有人問：『梵唄的聲音有什麼益處呢？』回答說：『一是佛道的法樂。這種音韻雖然悲哀但不傷感，雖然快樂但不淫蕩，折中調和，所以是法樂。二是諸天鬼神聽了都會歡喜。三是諸佛的常法，十方剎土沒有不是通過這種音樂來教化的。』
僧寺綱紀
所謂『寺』，是『嗣』的意思，管理事務的人在寺內互相繼承。既然用了官府的名義，就不能荒廢佛事。所以兒子繼承父親的事業，學生超過老師的學識，這是互相繼承並追隨前人的腳步，應當勤勉努力才能成就事業。根據西域的說法，管理事務的僧人總稱為『羯磨陀那』(Karma-dana)，翻譯過來就是『知事』，也叫『悅眾』，意思是瞭解事務並使大眾喜悅。考察佛陀在世的時候，迦葉（飲光）在靈鷲山統領大眾，舍利弗（身子）在竹林精舍管理事務。以及沓婆摩羅(Tapussa Mallā)，年紀剛滿十六歲就已經證得阿羅漢果位，之後考慮到身體不牢固，請求擔任僧團的知事，他能指著夜晚的光亮來分配僧人的臥具，所以佛陀讚歎說：『我的弟子沓婆摩羅善於為僧眾安排房舍。』之後請求供養食物時，沓婆摩羅被認為是第一。如果有人來應供，誰應該接受第一份水果飲食等供養呢？佛陀說：『應該由年齡和戒臘最高的人來接受。』這個人被稱為『上座』。等到佛教傳到東方，在漢魏之間，就像漁網還沒有設定綱繩，船隻還沒有下錨一樣。到了姚秦時期，出家的人佔了十分之五。鳩摩羅什(Kumarajiva)進入關中，自帶乾糧，跋涉而來。
【English Translation】 English version: Composing music and attaching it to metal and stone instruments will cause all beasts to dance to the music; playing wind and string instruments will move both humans and gods. This truly exhausts the subtle wonders of sound! Cao Zhi (Zi Jian) of the Wei Kingdom once visited Yushan and was moved by the music there, so he adapted those tunes and merged them with the chants of the Shramanas. Xiao Ziliang, the Prince of Jingling in the Southern Qi Dynasty, combined the verses in the Buddhist scriptures with musical rhythms, bringing the music to the ultimate subtlety, and wrote a volume of 'Verses Praising Buddhist Chants'. There was also Bo Faqiao, who was particularly good at Buddhist chants. There are many such people recorded in the Biographies of Eminent Monks, which will not be listed here one by one. During the Jianping years of Shi Le in the Later Zhao Dynasty, a god descended in the hall of Anyi, chanting the sounds of scriptures, which lasted for seven days before stopping. Some monks copied it down as Buddhist chants. Someone asked: 'What is the benefit of the sound of Buddhist chants?' The answer is: 'First, it is the Dharma music of the Buddhist path. This kind of tone, although sad, is not hurtful; although joyful, it is not lewd. It is moderate and harmonious, so it is Dharma music. Second, all the gods and spirits will be happy to hear it. Third, it is the constant practice of all Buddhas; there is no land in the ten directions that is not taught through this music.'
Monastic Regulations
The term 'temple' (寺) means 'to succeed' (嗣), meaning those who manage affairs succeed each other within it. Since the name of an official agency is used, the work of Buddhist affairs must not be neglected. Therefore, a son succeeds his father's career, and a student surpasses his teacher's knowledge. This is to succeed each other and follow in the footsteps of predecessors, and one should be diligent and hardworking to accomplish things. According to the Western Regions, the monks in charge of affairs are generally called 'Karma-dana' (羯磨陀那), which translates to 'knowledgeable person' or 'Pleasing the Assembly', meaning to understand the affairs and please the assembly. Examining the time of the Buddha, Kashyapa (飲光) led the assembly at Vulture Peak (靈鷲), and Shariputra (身子) managed affairs at the Bamboo Grove Monastery (竹林). And Tapussa Mallā (沓婆摩羅), who had just turned sixteen and had already attained the Arhat fruit, later, considering the impermanence of the body, requested to serve as the steward of the Sangha. He could point to the light at night to distribute the bedding for the monks, so the Buddha praised him, saying: 'My disciple Tapussa Mallā is good at arranging housing for the Sangha.' Later, when requesting offerings of food, Tapussa Mallā was considered the first. If someone comes to accept offerings, who should receive the first offering of fruits and food? The Buddha said: 'It should be accepted by the person with the highest age and seniority in precepts.' This person is called the 'Elder' (上座). When Buddhism spread to the East, during the Han and Wei dynasties, it was like a fishing net without a rope, and a boat without an anchor. By the time of the Yao Qin dynasty, half of the households had people who had left home. Kumarajiva (鳩摩羅什) entered Guanzhong, bringing his own dry food and trekking all the way.
者三千。秦主敕選道[(豐力)/石]法師為僧正。慧遠為悅眾。法欽慧斌掌僧錄。給車輿吏力。僧正秩同侍中。余則差降。此土立僧官。秦[(豐力)/石]為始也。
立僧正
僧曹創立凈眾曰。齊所樹官方終循佛教。所言僧正者何。正政也。自正正人。克敷政令故云也。蓋以比丘無法。如馬無轡勒。牛無貫繩。漸染俗風。將乖雅則。故設有德望者。以法而繩之。令歸於正。故曰僧正也。此偽秦僧[(豐*力)/石]為始也(或曰道䂮)東晉遷都。蔑聞此職。至宋世乃立沙門都。又以尼寶賢為僧正。文帝孝武皆崇重之。次有號法主者。如釋道猷。生公之弟子也。文帝問慧觀曰。頓悟義誰習之。答曰。道猷。遂召入。至孝武即位。敕住新安寺。為鎮寺法主。又敕法瑗。為湘宮寺法主。詳其各寺同名。疑非統正之任。又升明中。以法持為僧正。大明中。以道溫為都邑僧正。永明中。敕長干寺玄暢同法獻為僧主。分任南北兩岸。暢后被敕往三吳。使紏繩二眾。齊末以法悅為僧主。住正覺寺。梁祖歸心佛教深入玄樞。慎選德人。以充僧首。則法超為都邑僧正。普通六年。敕法雲為大僧正。吏力備足。又慧令亦充此職焉(大字異耳)所云僧主者。猶僧官也。蓋偏地小正小統之名也。如阇那崛多。此言志德。北
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本：當時有三千僧人。秦主下令選拔道[(豐力)/石]法師（Dào Shi，一位法師的名字）擔任僧正（Sēngzhèng，僧官名，管理僧侶的官員）。慧遠（Huìyuǎn，一位僧人的名字）擔任悅眾（Yuèzhòng，寺院中負責法會儀式的僧人）。法欽（Fǎqīn，一位僧人的名字）和慧斌（Huìbīn，一位僧人的名字）掌管僧錄（Sēnglù，管理僧籍的官員）。朝廷提供車馬和勞役。僧正的級別等同於侍中（Shìzhōng，官名）。其餘僧官的級別則依次降低。在此地設立僧官，是從秦[(豐力)/石]法師開始的。
設立僧正
僧曹（Sēngcáo，管理僧侶的機構）創立凈眾（Jìngzhòng，清凈的僧團）時說：齊朝所設立的官方制度最終遵循了佛教的原則。所說的僧正是什麼呢？正，就是匡正的意思。自身端正才能匡正他人，能夠全面推行政令，所以稱為僧正。這是因為比丘（Bǐqiū，佛教出家男眾）如果沒有管束，就像馬沒有韁繩，牛沒有鼻環一樣，逐漸沾染世俗的風氣，將要違背高雅的法則。所以設定有德行和聲望的人，用佛法來約束他們，使他們迴歸正道，所以稱為僧正。這始於偽秦的僧[(豐*力)/石]法師（也有人說是道䂮）。東晉遷都后，沒有聽說過這個職位。到了宋朝才設立沙門都（Shāmén Dū，管理沙門的官員）。又任命尼姑寶賢（Bǎoxián，一位尼姑的名字）為僧正。文帝（Wéndì，皇帝的謚號）和孝武帝（Xiàowǔdì，皇帝的謚號）都非常崇敬她。之後有被稱為法主（Fǎzhǔ，寺院住持）的，如釋道猷（Shì Dàoyóu，一位僧人的名字），是生公（Shēnggōng，一位僧人的名字）的弟子。文帝問慧觀（Huìguān，一位僧人的名字）說：『誰在學習頓悟的義理？』慧觀回答說：『道猷。』於是文帝召見了他。到孝武帝即位，下令他住在新安寺（Xīn'ānsì，寺廟名），擔任鎮寺法主。又下令法瑗（Fǎyuán，一位僧人的名字），擔任湘宮寺（Xiānggōngsì，寺廟名）法主。詳細考察各個寺院同名的法主，懷疑他們並非統管僧眾的職務。又在升明（Shēngmíng，年號）年間，任命法持（Fǎchí，一位僧人的名字）為僧正。大明（Dàmíng，年號）年間，任命道溫（Dàowēn，一位僧人的名字）為都邑僧正。永明（Yǒngmíng，年號）年間，下令長干寺（Chánggānsì，寺廟名）的玄暢（Xuánchàng，一位僧人的名字）和法獻（Fǎxiàn，一位僧人的名字）一同擔任僧主（Sēngzhǔ，僧官名），分別負責南北兩岸的僧侶事務。玄暢後來被下令前往三吳（Sānwú，地名），負責糾正僧俗二眾的違規行為。齊朝末年，任命法悅（Fǎyuè，一位僧人的名字）為僧主，住在正覺寺（Zhèngjuésì，寺廟名）。梁武帝（Liáng Wǔdì，皇帝的謚號）歸心佛教，深入玄妙的佛理，慎重地選擇有德行的人，來擔任僧侶的首領。於是任命法超（Fǎchāo，一位僧人的名字）為都邑僧正。普通（Pǔtōng，年號）六年，下令法雲（Fǎyún，一位僧人的名字）擔任大僧正。配備了充足的官吏和勞役。慧令（Huìlìng，一位僧人的名字）也擔任了這個職務（只是名稱略有不同）。所說的僧主，就像是僧官一樣，只是偏遠地區的小僧正和小統管的名稱。如阇那崛多（Shénàjuéduō），翻譯過來就是志德（Zhìdé）。
【English Translation】 English version: At that time, there were three thousand monks. The ruler of Qin ordered the selection of Dharma Master Dao [(豐力)/石] (Dào Shi, a Dharma Master's name) to serve as Sēngzhèng (僧正, an official title for managing monks). Huìyuǎn (慧遠, a monk's name) served as Yuèzhòng (悅眾, a monk in charge of ceremonies in the monastery). Fǎqīn (法欽, a monk's name) and Huìbīn (慧斌, a monk's name) were in charge of Sēnglù (僧錄, an official in charge of managing the monastic register). The court provided carriages and labor. The rank of Sēngzhèng was equivalent to that of Shìzhōng (侍中, an official title). The ranks of the remaining monastic officials were correspondingly lower. The establishment of monastic officials in this land began with Dharma Master Qin [(豐力)/石].
Establishment of Sēngzhèng
When Sēngcáo (僧曹, an agency managing monks) established Jìngzhòng (凈眾, a pure monastic community), it said: The official system established by the Qi dynasty ultimately followed the principles of Buddhism. What is meant by Sēngzhèng? Zhèng (正) means to rectify. One can only rectify others if one is upright oneself, and one can fully implement government orders, so it is called Sēngzhèng. This is because if Bhikshus (Bǐqiū, Buddhist monks) are not disciplined, they are like horses without reins and oxen without nose rings, gradually becoming infected with worldly customs and deviating from elegant principles. Therefore, those with virtue and reputation are appointed to restrain them with the Dharma, so that they return to the right path, hence the name Sēngzhèng. This began with Dharma Master Sēng [(豐*力)/石] of the Pseudo-Qin (some say it was Dào Shù). After the Eastern Jin moved its capital, this position was unheard of. It was not until the Song dynasty that Shāmén Dū (沙門都, an official managing Shamen) was established. Furthermore, the nun Bǎoxián (寶賢, a nun's name) was appointed as Sēngzhèng. Emperor Wéndì (文帝, an emperor's posthumous title) and Emperor Xiàowǔdì (孝武帝, an emperor's posthumous title) both revered her greatly. Later, there were those called Fǎzhǔ (法主, abbot of a monastery), such as Shì Dàoyóu (釋道猷, a monk's name), who was a disciple of Shēnggōng (生公, a monk's name). Emperor Wéndì asked Huìguān (慧觀, a monk's name), 'Who is studying the meaning of sudden enlightenment?' Huìguān replied, 'Dàoyóu.' Thereupon, Emperor Wéndì summoned him. When Emperor Xiàowǔdì ascended the throne, he ordered him to reside at Xīn'ānsì (新安寺, a temple name) and serve as the Fǎzhǔ of the temple. Furthermore, he ordered Fǎyuán (法瑗, a monk's name) to serve as the Fǎzhǔ of Xiānggōngsì (湘宮寺, a temple name). Upon detailed examination of the Fǎzhǔ with the same name in various temples, it is suspected that they were not in charge of managing the entire monastic community. Furthermore, during the Shēngmíng (升明, an era name) period, Fǎchí (法持, a monk's name) was appointed as Sēngzhèng. During the Dàmíng (大明, an era name) period, Dàowēn (道溫, a monk's name) was appointed as Dūyì Sēngzhèng. During the Yǒngmíng (永明, an era name) period, Xuánchàng (玄暢, a monk's name) of Chánggānsì (長干寺, a temple name) and Fǎxiàn (法獻, a monk's name) were ordered to jointly serve as Sēngzhǔ (僧主, a monastic official title), each responsible for monastic affairs on the north and south banks. Later, Xuánchàng was ordered to go to Sānwú (三吳, a place name) to correct the transgressions of both the monastic and lay communities. At the end of the Qi dynasty, Fǎyuè (法悅, a monk's name) was appointed as Sēngzhǔ and resided at Zhèngjuésì (正覺寺, a temple name). Emperor Wǔ of Liang (梁武帝, an emperor's posthumous title) devoted himself to Buddhism and deeply understood its profound principles, carefully selecting virtuous individuals to serve as leaders of the monastic community. Thereupon, Fǎchāo (法超, a monk's name) was appointed as Dūyì Sēngzhèng. In the sixth year of Pǔtōng (普通, an era name), Fǎyún (法雲, a monk's name) was ordered to serve as Dà Sēngzhèng. Sufficient officials and labor were provided. Huìlìng (慧令, a monk's name) also held this position (only the name was slightly different). The so-called Sēngzhǔ is like a monastic official, but it is merely the name for a small Sēngzhèng and a small administrator in a remote area. For example, Shénàjuéduō (阇那崛多), which translates to Zhìdé (志德).
印度人周朝譙王宇文儉鎮蜀。請以同行。至彼任益州僧主。住龍淵寺焉。南朝慧基姓偶錢塘人。依求那三藏於蔡州受戒。后化行越土。尋敕為僧主。掌任十城。東土僧主之始也(東土即吳會之間也)歷觀諸朝。多是諸侯立僧正也。梁雖大國。亦用此名。但加大字以別之。今天下每州置一員。擇德行才能者充之。不然則闕矣。
尼正附
北朝立制多是附僧。南土新規別行尼正。宋太始二年。敕尼寶賢為尼僧正。又以法凈為京邑尼都維那。此則承乏之漸。梁陳隋唐少聞其事。偏霸之國往往聞有尼統尼正之名焉。
僧統
帝王奄宅寰區。必革人視聽。或更其禮樂。或變以官司。互納言作尚書。以太蔚代司馬。何常之有。以此為初。秦制關中。立僧正為宗首。魏尊北土。改僧統領緇徒。雖發新題。亦提舊職後魏皇始中。趙郡沙門法果戒行精至。開演法籍。太祖徴為沙門統。言多允愜供施甚厚。太宗崇信彌加於前。永興中。前後授輔國宜城子忠信侯又安城公。皆固讓之。俗官加僧。初聞於此。帝幸其居。嫌其門狹不容輿輦。更廣大之。年八十餘卒。帝三臨其喪。追贈老壽將軍趙郡胡靈公(今贈老壽將軍。皆出此時之敕。知前輔國必是將軍。胡靈二字謚也)初法果年十四始出家。有子曰猛。詔令襲果所加
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本 印度人周朝譙王宇文儉鎮守蜀地。邀請他一同前往，任命他為益州（今四川成都一帶）的僧主，居住在龍淵寺。南朝慧基，姓偶，是錢塘（今浙江杭州）人。他跟隨求那三藏（Guṇa-traya，一位印度僧侶的名字）在蔡州（今河南汝南一帶）受戒。後來他的教化傳遍越地（今浙江一帶）。不久后，朝廷下令讓他擔任僧主，掌管十座城市。這是東土（指吳會地區，即今江蘇南部和浙江北部一帶）設立僧主的開端。縱觀歷朝歷代，大多是由諸侯來設立僧正。梁朝雖然是大國，也沿用這個名稱，但加上『大』字以示區別。現在天下每個州設定一名僧官，選拔有德行和才能的人來擔任，否則就空缺。
尼正附
北朝設立制度，大多是附屬於僧官。南朝新設立的規矩是單獨設立尼正。宋朝太始二年，下令任命尼姑寶賢為尼僧正，又任命法凈為京邑（首都）的尼都維那（尼姑寺院的負責人）。這是開始設定尼官的開端。梁、陳、隋、唐各朝很少聽說有這樣的事情。偏安一隅的國家，常常聽說有尼統、尼正這樣的官名。
僧統
帝王統治天下，必定要革新人們的視聽，或者改變禮樂制度，或者變革官職。互相採納建議，設立尚書，用太尉代替司馬，有什麼一成不變的呢？以此為開端，秦朝在關中（今陜西一帶）設立僧正作為僧侶的首領。魏朝尊重北方，改設僧統來統領僧侶。雖然提出了新的名稱，實際上還是沿用舊的職權。後魏皇始年間，趙郡（今河北趙縣）的沙門（出家僧人）法果，戒行精嚴，深入研究佛經。太祖（北魏開國皇帝拓跋珪）徵召他為沙門統。他的言論大多符合皇帝的心意，得到的供養和賞賜非常豐厚。太宗（北魏明元帝拓跋嗣）更加崇信他，超過了之前的皇帝。永興年間，先後授予他輔國宜城子、忠信侯，又授予安城公，他都堅決推辭。俗世的官職加於僧人，是從他開始的。皇帝親自到他家，嫌他家門狹窄，不能容納車駕，就擴建了。八十多歲去世，皇帝三次親臨他的喪禮，追贈他老壽將軍、趙郡胡靈公（現在追贈老壽將軍，都是出自此時的敕令。由此可知之前的輔國一定是將軍。胡靈二字是謚號）。當初法果十四歲才出家，有個兒子叫猛，皇帝下令讓猛繼承法果所加的官職。
【English Translation】 English version The Indian Zhou Chao, Prince Qiao of Yuwen Jian, was stationed in Shu. He was invited to go with them and appointed as the Sangha Chief (leader of the monastic community) of Yizhou (present-day Chengdu, Sichuan), residing in Longyuan Temple. Huiji of the Southern Dynasties, whose surname was Ou, was a native of Qiantang (present-day Hangzhou, Zhejiang). He received ordination from Guṇa-traya (an Indian monk) in Caizhou (present-day Runan, Henan). Later, his teachings spread throughout Yue (present-day Zhejiang). Soon after, he was ordered to serve as Sangha Chief, in charge of ten cities. This was the beginning of the establishment of Sangha Chiefs in the Eastern Lands (referring to the Wu and Hui regions, present-day southern Jiangsu and northern Zhejiang). Throughout the dynasties, most Sangha Chiefs were appointed by the feudal lords. Although the Liang Dynasty was a great power, it also used this title, but added the character '大' (dà, meaning 'great') to distinguish it. Now, each prefecture in the realm has one official, selected from those with virtue and talent to fill the position; otherwise, it remains vacant.
Bhikkhunī Chief Appended
In the Northern Dynasties, the established system mostly appended to the monks. The new regulations in the Southern Lands separately established Bhikkhunī Chiefs. In the second year of the Tai Shi era of the Song Dynasty, an edict was issued appointing the nun Baoxian as Bhikkhunī Sangha Chief, and also appointing Fajing as the Bhikkhunī Du Weina (head of a nunnery) of the capital. This was the beginning of the gradual establishment of nun officials. The Liang, Chen, Sui, and Tang dynasties rarely heard of such matters. In the separatist states, the names of Bhikkhunī leaders and Bhikkhunī Chiefs were often heard.
Sangha Leader
When emperors rule the world, they must reform people's perceptions, or change the rites and music, or transform the official positions. Mutually adopting suggestions, establishing the Ministry of Rites, and replacing the Grand Commandant with the Minister of War, what is there that is unchanging? Taking this as the beginning, the Qin Dynasty established the Sangha Chief in Guanzhong (present-day Shaanxi) as the leader of the Sangha. The Wei Dynasty respected the Northern Lands and changed the Sangha Chief to lead the monastic community. Although new titles were proposed, they actually continued the old duties. During the Huangshi era of the Later Wei Dynasty, the Shramana (ordained monk) Fāguǒ of Zhao Commandery (present-day Zhao County, Hebei) was strict in his precepts and deeply studied the Buddhist scriptures. Emperor Taizu (Emperor Tuoba Gui, the founding emperor of the Northern Wei) summoned him to be the Sangha Leader. His words mostly conformed to the emperor's wishes, and the offerings and rewards he received were very generous. Emperor Taizong (Emperor Tuoba Si of the Northern Wei) revered him even more than the previous emperor. During the Yongxing era, he was successively granted the titles of Assistant State Yicheng Viscount, Loyal and Trustworthy Marquis, and then Duke of Ancheng, all of which he firmly declined. The addition of secular official positions to monks began with him. The emperor personally visited his home and, disliking that his gate was narrow and could not accommodate the imperial carriage, had it expanded. He died at the age of eighty, and the emperor personally attended his funeral three times, posthumously granting him the title of General of Longevity and Duke of Hulíng of Zhao Commandery (the posthumous granting of the title of General of Longevity all originated from the edicts of this time. From this, it can be known that the previous Assistant State must have been a general. Hulíng are the posthumous characters). Initially, Fāguǒ only became a monk at the age of fourteen, and he had a son named Meng. The emperor ordered Meng to inherit the official positions that had been granted to Fāguǒ.
爵。沙門統之官自法果始也。復有罽賓沙門師賢。本是王種。東遊涼土。又來京下。值罷佛法。權假醫術。而守道不改。于重興日即為沙門。同輩五人。魏帝親為下發。詔賢為僧統。僧統之官自師賢始也。隋興佛道。變革周風。召僧猛住大興善寺。為隋國大統。猛姓假涇陽人也。講般若十地等(隋以大字為珠異也)又號聖沙彌者。初在洛任國僧都(都即沙門都也)。后召入鄴。綏緝有功。轉為國統(一國之僧統也)宋沿唐制。廢統立錄(惟宮人出家敕補尼錄尼統。有至十字師名。比兩國邑號者甚眾)。
沙門都統
魏主移都。仍從元姓虜家所服悉變華章。又于竺梵之門多事改遷之作。孝文帝一日下詔曰。門下近得錄公等表。知早定沙門都統。比考德選賢。寤寐勤心。繼佛之任。莫知誰寄。或有道高年尊。理無縈紆。或有器識沖邈高揖塵務。今以思遠寺主法師僧顯。可敕為沙門都統。詳究魏文帝敕曇曜為沙門都統。乃自曜公始也。曜即帝禮為師。號昭玄沙門都統。欣佛法重興。雕石造像。譯凈土三昧經並付法藏傳等。是此師也。齊則以法上為昭玄統。法順為沙門都。然都者雖總轄之名(九官曹多以都字為其總攝也)而降統一等也。又烏萇國僧那提黎耶舍隋言尊稱。先於齊國亦為昭玄統也。高齊之世何統與都
多耶。答曰。時置十員。一統一都為正為副故多也。大隋受命亦用統名。始以曇延為沙門大昭玄統(別加大字)次則靈藏法師為大興善寺主。尋署昭玄都。唐穆宗元和元年閏正月。以龍興寺僧惟英充翰林待詔兼兩街僧統。英通結中外。假卜筮惑人故有是命。尋以非宜罷之。自爾朱梁後唐晉漢周洎今大宋。皆用錄而無統矣。偏霸諸道或有私署。如吳越以令因為僧統。后則繼有避僭差也。尋降稱僧正。其僭偽諸國皆自號僧錄焉。
左右街僧錄(左右街自起置功德使所屬。及置僧錄。還用左右街也僧置錄以錄之。功德又各轄焉)
自唐有天下。初則佛法萎遲。蓋李教勃興。物無兩大故也。傳奕上疏條釋氏之愆。神堯不無其惑。次巡幸東洛。太宗詔令僧尼班于道后。高宗御極議欲令拜君親。則天歸心釋門。還令僧班道上。中睿之世微更發揮。玄宗之朝一往崇道。僧寺止立三綱而已。昭玄統正革而不沿。僧務官方沈而弗舉。道宣律師被敕為西明寺上座。即其例也。至文宗開成中。始立左右街僧錄。尋其人即端甫法師也。俗姓趙。德宗召入禁中。與儒道論議。賜紫方袍。令侍太子于東朝。順宗重之。若兄弟相與臥起。恩禮特深。憲宗數辛其院。待之若賓友。掌內殿法儀。錄左街僧事。標表凈眾一十年。即元和中也。由
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 問：為什麼會有『多耶』（Doye）這個稱謂？ 答：因為當時設定了十名官員，一人統管一都，設有正職和副職，所以稱『多耶』。大隋朝接受天命后也使用『統』這個名稱。最初以曇延為沙門大昭玄統（特別加大字），其次是靈藏法師為大興善寺住持。不久後設置了昭玄都。唐穆宗元和元年閏正月，任命龍興寺僧人惟英擔任翰林待詔兼兩街僧統。惟英勾結內外，假借占卜迷惑人，所以才有了這樣的任命。不久后因為不合適而罷免。自從朱梁、後唐、後晉、後漢、後周以及現在的宋朝，都只用『錄』而沒有『統』了。偏安一隅的諸道或許有私自設定的，例如吳越以令因為僧統，後來爲了避嫌而改稱。之後降級稱為僧正。那些僭越偽政權的國家都自稱僧錄。
左右街僧錄（左右街是自從設定功德使后才設立的，隸屬於功德使。設定僧錄，仍然沿用左右街的稱謂，設定僧錄來管理僧人，功德使也各自管轄。）
自從唐朝建立天下，最初佛法衰微，因為李教（道教）興盛，事物不能有兩大的緣故。傅奕上疏列舉佛教的過失，唐高祖李淵不免被他迷惑。後來巡幸東都洛陽，唐太宗詔令僧尼排列在隊伍的後面。唐高宗即位后，商議要讓僧尼拜君親。武則天歸心佛教，又讓僧尼排列在道士的前面。中宗時期稍微有所發揮。唐玄宗時期一味崇尚道教，僧寺只設立三綱職位而已。昭玄統正的制度革除而不沿用，僧務官方事務沉寂而不舉辦。道宣律師被敕令為西明寺上座，就是這樣的例子。到了唐文宗開成時期，才開始設立左右街僧錄。追溯其人就是端甫法師，俗姓趙。唐德宗召入皇宮，與儒道兩家辯論，賜予紫色袈裟，讓他侍奉太子于東宮。唐順宗很器重他，像兄弟一樣同起同臥，恩禮特別深厚。唐憲宗多次到他的院中，待他像賓客朋友一樣，掌管內殿的法事儀式，管理左街的僧事，表彰凈眾十年，就是元和年間的事情。
【English Translation】 English version: Question: Why is there the title 'Doye' (多耶)? Answer: Because at that time, ten officials were appointed, with one governing each 'du' (都, administrative division), and there were both chief and deputy positions, hence the name 'Doye'. The Great Sui Dynasty, upon receiving the mandate of heaven, also used the title 'Tong' (統, commander). Initially, Tan Yan (曇延) was appointed as the 'Shamen Da Zhaoxuan Tong' (沙門大昭玄統, Great Buddhist Administrator of the Sangha), with special emphasis on the 'Da' (大, Great) character. Next, Dharma Master Lingzang (靈藏) was the abbot of the Daxingshan Temple (大興善寺). Soon after, the 'Zhaoxuan Du' (昭玄都, Office of Buddhist Affairs) was established. In the first intercalary month of the Yuanhe era (元和) of Emperor Muzong (穆宗) of the Tang Dynasty, the monk Wei Ying (惟英) of the Longxing Temple (龍興寺) was appointed as a Hanlin Academician-in-Waiting (翰林待詔) concurrently serving as the 'Seng Tong' (僧統, Chief of the Sangha) of both the left and right streets. Wei Ying colluded with internal and external factions, using divination to deceive people, hence this appointment. Soon after, he was dismissed because it was deemed inappropriate. Since the Zhu Liang (朱梁), Later Tang (後唐), Later Jin (後晉), Later Han (後漢), Later Zhou (後周) dynasties, and up to the present Song Dynasty, only 'Lu' (錄, Recorder) was used, and not 'Tong'. The various 'dao' (道, provinces) in separatist regimes might have privately appointed officials, such as the Wu-Yue (吳越) kingdom using 'Ling Yin' (令因) as 'Seng Tong', which was later changed to avoid being presumptuous. Later, it was downgraded to 'Seng Zheng' (僧正, Chief Monk). Those usurping and pseudo-states all styled themselves as 'Seng Lu' (僧錄, Sangha Recorder).
The 'Zuo You Jie Seng Lu' (左右街僧錄, Sangha Recorders of the Left and Right Streets) (The left and right streets were established after the establishment of the Commissioner of Meritorious Works (功德使), and were subordinate to the Commissioner of Meritorious Works. The establishment of the Sangha Recorder still used the names of the left and right streets. The Sangha Recorder was established to manage the monks, and the Commissioner of Meritorious Works also had their respective jurisdictions.)
Since the Tang Dynasty established its rule, Buddhism initially declined because the teachings of Li (李, referring to Laozi, founder of Taoism) flourished, as there cannot be two great things. Fu Yi (傅奕) submitted a memorial listing the faults of Buddhism, and Emperor Gaozu (高祖) of Tang was inevitably misled by him. Later, during an imperial tour to the eastern capital Luoyang (洛陽), Emperor Taizong (太宗) ordered monks and nuns to be placed at the rear of the procession. After Emperor Gaozong (高宗) ascended the throne, there were discussions about making monks and nuns bow to the emperor and his parents. Empress Wu Zetian (武則天) turned her heart to Buddhism and ordered monks to be placed before Taoists. During the reign of Emperor Zhongzong (中宗), there was a slight revival. During the reign of Emperor Xuanzong (玄宗), Taoism was exclusively revered, and only the three monastic offices (三綱) were established in Buddhist temples. The system of 'Zhaoxuan Tong Zheng' (昭玄統正, Correct Buddhist Administrator) was abolished and not continued, and official affairs related to the Sangha were neglected and not carried out. The lawyer Daoxuan (道宣) was ordered to be the senior monk of the Ximing Temple (西明寺), which is an example of this. It was not until the Kai Cheng (開成) era of Emperor Wenzong (文宗) of the Tang Dynasty that the 'Zuo You Jie Seng Lu' (左右街僧錄, Sangha Recorders of the Left and Right Streets) were established. Tracing back to the person, it was Dharma Master Duanfu (端甫), whose secular surname was Zhao (趙). Emperor Dezong (德宗) summoned him to the palace to debate with Confucianists and Taoists, bestowed upon him a purple robe, and had him serve the crown prince in the Eastern Palace. Emperor Shunzong (順宗) valued him greatly, treating him like a brother, sharing the same bed and rising together, with exceptional favor and courtesy. Emperor Xianzong (憲宗) frequently visited his courtyard, treating him like a guest and friend, in charge of the Dharma ceremonies in the inner palace, managing the affairs of the Sangha in the left street, and commending the pure community for ten years, which was during the Yuanhe era.
此觀之。僧錄之起自端甫也。甫公文宗開成中卒。開成后則雲端為僧錄也。端公奉敕旨。欲芟夷釋氏。先下詔曰。有佛教來。自古迄今。興廢有何徴。應仰兩街僧錄與諸三學僧。錄其事目進上成推法寶大師玄暢。序述編次。暢遂撰三寶五運圖。明佛法傳行年代。若費長房開皇三寶錄同也。次則宣宗朝。靈晏辯章為僧錄。同奏請千缽大教王經入藏(章晏二公受僧錄見五運圖)大中八年。詔修廢總持寺。敕三教首座辯章。專勾當修寺。護軍中尉驃騎王元宥。宣章公由首座充左街僧錄。次凈光大師僧徹充右街僧錄。懿宗咸通十二年十一月十四日。延慶節兩街僧道赴麟德殿講論。右街僧錄彥楚賜明徹大師。左街僧錄清蘭賜慧照大師。僖宗朝則有覺暉為僧錄焉。中和巢𡨥犯闕時。僧錄云皓與道門威儀杜光庭執香罏案等。隨駕蒼黃穿襪行。至武功腳皆創疼。及收復京師。隨回方署錄職。莫知於時。僧道引駕儀式持香案何耶。所言錄者。有晉宋錄。錄其經法傍教傳翻譯人物等事。故魏詔曰。近得錄公等表。錄公乃是僧曹總錄。猶言錄事也。偽秦始立僧正。則以法欽慧斌二人掌僧錄也。有唐變態正乃錯諸錄則用矣。蓋禮樂自天子出也。時既所高物無我競。任使魏統如草。秦正若林。皆歸唐錄區宇中矣。譬若尚賢尚齒。屬尚賢之代。齒何
用乎。尚白尚青。當尚白之君。青勿先也。
僧主副員
姚秦立正也。雖無副正之名。而有貳車之意。故用慧遠為悅眾。欽斌二公掌錄。斯乃階級分曹同成僧務。而不顯言副正二字。及魏世更名僧統。以為正員。署沙門都。以分副翼。則都維那是也。故孝文帝詔云。副儀貳事緇素攸同。頃因曜統獨濟。遂廢斯任(知曇曜前曾立副職)今欲毗德贊善。固須其人。皇舅寺法師僧義。行恭神暢。溫聰謹正。業懋道優。用膺副翼。可充都維那以光賢徒。乃知魏以悅眾為副。例知姚秦世慧遠為副也。若爾者。後魏亦用秦制。而僧傳不指。蓋不明練辭義耳。又於時各寺別立三官。寺之都維那莫有相濫乎。答此有二不濫。一敕署令于昭玄僧統不為副。二自帶昭玄下都維那。豈同寺之悅眾耶。南朝宋孝武帝重慧璩。璩曾對帝唱導于齋會中嚫璩一萬敕為京邑都維那。此以京邑二字簡異也。江左立正。而有立副者。有不立者。及隋一統。還準北朝用統為正。以都為副。至唐元和長慶間。始立僧錄。錄左右街僧。亦無貳職。次有三教首座。昭宗乾寧中。改首座為副僧錄。得覺暉焉。副錄自暉公始也。朱梁後唐晉漢周或置或省。出沒不定。今大宋太平興國六年。敕立右街副僧錄。知右街教門事焉。
講經論首座
首座
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 用什麼顏色？崇尚白色還是崇尚青色？當崇尚白色的君主在位時，青色不要先用。 僧主和副職官員 姚秦時代設立了正職。雖然沒有副正職的名稱，但有輔助正職的含義。所以任用慧遠（Huiyuan，東晉時期僧侶）為悅眾（Yuèzhòng，寺院中負責協調僧眾的職務）。欽（Qīn）和斌（Bīn）二位法師掌管記錄。這就是按照階級分工，共同完成僧務。但不明顯地說出副正二字。到北魏時期，改名為僧統（Sēngtǒng，管理全國僧尼的官職），作為正職官員。設定沙門都（Shāmén dū，僧官名），以分擔和輔助僧統的工作，這就是都維那（Dū wéinà，寺院中的職務，負責管理僧眾事務）。所以孝文帝的詔書中說：『副儀貳事，緇素攸同。』（副儀貳事，僧人和俗人共同遵守）。此前因為曇曜（Tányào，北魏時期僧侶）獨自承擔所有事務，於是廢除了這個副職（可知曇曜之前曾設立副職）。現在想要輔助德行，讚揚善行，確實需要這樣的人。皇舅寺的法師僧義（Sēngyì），行為恭敬，精神暢達，溫和聰慧，謹慎正直，學業精深，道德優秀，可以勝任副職，可以擔任都維那來光大賢徒。由此可知北魏以悅眾為副職。按照這個例子可知姚秦時代慧遠是副職。如果這樣說，那麼後魏也沿用了姚秦的制度，但是僧傳中沒有明確指出，大概是不明白文辭的含義罷了。又在當時各個寺廟分別設立三官，寺廟的都維那之間沒有互相混淆的情況嗎？回答是這有兩種不混淆的情況。一是朝廷任命的，隸屬於昭玄僧統（Zhāo xuán sēngtǒng，管理僧尼的官職）的都維那不作為副職。二是自帶昭玄寺的都維那，怎麼能和寺廟的悅眾相同呢？南朝宋孝武帝器重慧璩（Huìqú，南朝宋時期僧侶）。慧璩曾在齋會中為皇帝唱導，皇帝賞賜慧璩一萬錢，並下令讓他擔任京邑都維那（Jīngyì dū wéinà，京城地區的都維那）。這是用京邑二字來區分不同的都維那。江左地區設立正職，有的設立副職，有的不設立。到隋朝統一后，還是按照北朝的制度，用僧統作為正職，用都維那作為副職。到唐朝元和、長慶年間，才開始設立僧錄（Sēnglù，管理僧尼的官職），管理左右街的僧人，也沒有副職。其次有三教首座（Sānjiào shǒuzuò，佛教、道教、儒教的首座）。昭宗乾寧年間，改首座為副僧錄。得到了覺暉（Juéhuī，唐朝末年僧侶）。副僧錄從覺暉開始。朱梁、後唐、後晉、後漢、後周，有的設定，有的省略，出沒不定。現在大宋太平興國六年，下令設立右街副僧錄（Yòujiē fù sēnglù，管理右街僧人的副職），管理右街的教門事務。 講經論的首座 首座
【English Translation】 English version: What color should be used? Should white be favored or should blue be favored? When a monarch who favors white is in power, blue should not be used first. Monk Masters and Deputy Officials During the Yao Qin Dynasty, the position of principal was established. Although there was no title of 'deputy principal,' there was the intention of assisting the principal. Therefore, Huiyuan (a monk during the Eastern Jin Dynasty) was appointed as Yuèzhòng (a position in the monastery responsible for coordinating the monastic community). Dharma masters Qin and Bin were in charge of records. This was a division of labor according to hierarchy, working together to accomplish monastic affairs. However, the words 'deputy principal' were not explicitly stated. During the Northern Wei Dynasty, the name was changed to Sēngtǒng (an official position managing monks and nuns nationwide), serving as the principal official. Shāmén dū (a monastic official title) was established to share and assist the Sēngtǒng's work, which was the Dū wéinà (a position in the monastery responsible for managing monastic affairs). Therefore, Emperor Xiaowen's edict stated: 'Deputy rituals and secondary matters, monks and laity alike should follow.' Previously, because Tányào (a monk during the Northern Wei Dynasty) undertook all affairs alone, this deputy position was abolished (it can be known that a deputy position was established before Tányào). Now, to assist virtue and praise good deeds, such a person is indeed needed. Dharma master Sēngyì of the Imperial Uncle Temple, with respectful conduct, smooth spirit, gentle intelligence, cautious uprightness, profound learning, and excellent morality, is capable of serving as a deputy, and can serve as Dū wéinà to glorify virtuous disciples. From this, it can be known that the Northern Wei used Yuèzhòng as a deputy position. According to this example, it can be known that Huiyuan was a deputy during the Yao Qin Dynasty. If this is the case, then the Later Wei also followed the Yao Qin system, but the monastic biographies did not explicitly point this out, probably because they did not understand the meaning of the words. Also, at that time, each temple separately established three officials, were the Dū wéinà of the temples confused with each other? The answer is that there are two situations where they are not confused. First, the Dū wéinà appointed by the court, belonging to the Zhāo xuán sēngtǒng (an official position managing monks and nuns), does not serve as a deputy. Second, the Dū wéinà who comes with the Zhāo xuán Temple, how can he be the same as the Yuèzhòng of the temple? Emperor Xiaowu of the Southern Song Dynasty valued Huìqú (a monk during the Southern Song Dynasty). Huìqú once chanted for the emperor during a vegetarian feast, and the emperor rewarded Huìqú with 10,000 coins and ordered him to serve as Jīngyì dū wéinà (Dū wéinà of the capital region). This is to distinguish different Dū wéinà by using the words 'capital region.' In the Jiangzuo region, some established principal positions, some established deputy positions, and some did not establish them. After the Sui Dynasty unified, it still followed the Northern Dynasty's system, using Sēngtǒng as the principal position and Dū wéinà as the deputy position. During the Yuanhe and Changqing years of the Tang Dynasty, the Sēnglù (an official position managing monks and nuns) was established to manage the monks of the left and right streets, and there was no deputy position. Next, there were the Three Teachings First Seat (Buddhism, Taoism, Confucianism). During the Qianning period of Emperor Zhaozong, the First Seat was changed to Deputy Sēnglù. Juéhuī (a monk at the end of the Tang Dynasty) was obtained. The Deputy Sēnglù began with Juéhuī. The Zhu Liang, Later Tang, Later Jin, Later Han, and Later Zhou dynasties sometimes established and sometimes omitted the position, appearing and disappearing uncertainly. Now, in the sixth year of the Taiping Xingguo era of the Great Song Dynasty, an order was issued to establish the Yòujiē fù sēnglù (deputy position managing monks on the right street), managing the religious affairs of the right street. The First Seat for Sutra Lectures and Discussions First Seat
之名即上座也。居席之端。處僧之上。故曰也。尋唐世敕辯章檢校修寺。宣宗賞其功署三教首座。元和中端甫止稱三教談論。蓋以帝王誕節。偶屬徴呼。登內殿而讚揚。對異宗而商搉。故標三教之字。未必該通六籍博綜二篇。通本教之諸科。控群賢而傑出而脫。或遍善他宗。原精我教對王臣而無畏。挫執滯而有功。膺於此名則無愧色矣。次後經論之學或置首座。三教首座則辯章為始也。朱梁洎周。或除或立。悉謂隨時。今大宋有講經講論首座。乃僧錄之外別立耳。
國師
西域之法推重其人。內外攸同。正邪俱有。昔尼犍子信婆羅門法。國王封為國師。內則學通三藏。兼達五明。舉國歸依。乃彰斯號。聲教東漸。唯北齊有高僧法常。初演毗尼。有聲鄴下。后講涅槃。並受禪數。齊王崇為國師。國師之號自常公始也。殆陳隋之代。有天臺知顗禪師。為陳宣隋煬菩薩戒師。故時號國師(即無封署)至則天朝。神秀領徒荊州。召入京師。中睿玄四朝皆號為國師。後有禪門慧忠。肅代之時。入宮禁中。說禪觀法。亦號國師。元和中。敕署知玄。曰悟達國師。若偏霸之國。則蜀後主賜右街僧錄光業。為祐聖國師。吳越稱德韶為國師。江南唐國署文遂為國大導師也(導師之名而含二義。若法華經中。商人白導師。言此
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 『之名即上座也』，指的是居於席位之首，位於僧眾之上，所以這樣說。追溯唐代，敕辯章（人名）檢校修寺，宣宗皇帝賞識他的功勞，署名為三教首座。元和年間，端甫（人名）只被稱為三教談論。大概是因為帝王誕辰節日，偶爾被徵召，登上內殿讚揚，與不同宗教的人商榷，所以標明『三教』的字樣。未必需要通曉六經，博覽二篇，通曉本教的各個科目，超越眾多賢才。或者廣泛精通其他宗教，原本就精通自己的宗教，面對王臣而無所畏懼，駁倒執迷不悟的人，對得起這個名號才不會感到慚愧。此後，經論之學也設定首座，三教首座從辯章開始。朱梁到後周，或廢除或設立，都說是順應時勢。現在大宋有講經講論首座，是僧錄之外另行設立的。
國師
西域的法規推崇有德之人，無論內外都一樣。正道和邪道都有國師。過去尼犍子（外道）信奉婆羅門法，國王封他為國師。在內通曉三藏（佛教經典），兼通五明（古印度學問），全國上下都歸依他，才彰顯這個稱號。佛教傳入東方，只有北齊有高僧法常（人名），最初演說毗尼（戒律），在鄴下很有名聲，後來講解涅槃（佛教教義），並接受禪數（禪定），齊王尊崇他為國師。國師的稱號從法常公開始。大概在陳隋時代，有天臺智顗（人名）禪師，為陳宣帝、隋煬帝授菩薩戒，所以當時被稱為國師（沒有正式的封署）。到了武則天朝代，神秀（人名）帶領弟子在荊州，被召入京師，中宗、睿宗、玄宗四朝都稱他為國師。後來有禪門慧忠（人名），肅宗、代宗時期，進入皇宮禁中，宣說禪觀之法，也被稱為國師。元和年間，敕令署名知玄（人名）為悟達國師。如果是偏安一隅的國家，那麼蜀後主賜予右街僧錄光業（人名）為祐聖國師。吳越稱德韶（人名）為國師。江南唐國署名文遂（人名）為國大導師（導師這個名稱包含兩種含義，如同《法華經》中，商人稱呼引導者為導師，意思是說
【English Translation】 English version: 'The name means chief seat.' It refers to being at the head of the seat and above the monks, hence the saying. Tracing back to the Tang Dynasty, Emperor Xuanzong, appreciating the merits of Bianzhang (personal name) in inspecting and repairing temples, bestowed upon him the title of 'Chief Seat of the Three Teachings'. During the Yuanhe period, Duanfu (personal name) was only referred to as 'Discussant of the Three Teachings'. This was probably because he was occasionally summoned during the Emperor's birthday celebrations to ascend the inner palace and offer praise, and to discuss with those of different religions, hence the label 'Three Teachings'. It does not necessarily require one to be versed in the Six Classics, extensively read in the Two Sections, and knowledgeable in all the subjects of one's own teaching, surpassing numerous talents. Or to be widely proficient in other religions, originally proficient in one's own, fearless in the face of kings and ministers, and successful in refuting those who are stubborn and unenlightened. Only then can one bear this title without shame. Subsequently, chief seats were also established for the study of scriptures and treatises, with Bianzhang being the first 'Chief Seat of the Three Teachings'. From the Zhu Liang to the Later Zhou dynasties, they were either abolished or established, all said to be in accordance with the times. Now, in the Great Song Dynasty, there are chief seats for lecturing on scriptures and treatises, established separately from the monastic registry.
National Preceptor
The laws of the Western Regions value virtuous people, both internally and externally. Both righteous and heretical paths have national preceptors. In the past, Nigandzi (a non-Buddhist) believed in Brahmanical law, and the king appointed him as national preceptor. Internally, he was versed in the Three Baskets (Buddhist scriptures) and proficient in the Five Sciences (ancient Indian knowledge), and the whole country took refuge in him, thus manifesting this title. As Buddhism spread eastward, only during the Northern Qi Dynasty was there the eminent monk Fachang (personal name), who first expounded the Vinaya (discipline) and was famous in Ye, and later lectured on Nirvana (Buddhist doctrine) and received meditation practices. The King of Qi revered him as national preceptor. The title of national preceptor began with Master Fachang. Around the Chen and Sui dynasties, there was the Chan master Zhiyi (personal name) of Tiantai, who administered the Bodhisattva precepts to Emperor Xuan of Chen and Emperor Yang of Sui, so he was then called national preceptor (without formal appointment). During the reign of Empress Wu Zetian, Shenxiu (personal name) led disciples in Jingzhou and was summoned to the capital. The four reigns of Zhongzong, Ruizong, and Xuanzong all called him national preceptor. Later, there was the Chan master Huizhong (personal name), who entered the palace during the reigns of Suzong and Daizong to expound the Dharma of Chan contemplation and was also called national preceptor. During the Yuanhe period, an edict named Zhixuan (personal name) as Wuda National Preceptor. In the case of a country with only partial control, the Later Shu ruler bestowed upon Guangye (personal name), the Right Street Monastic Registrar, the title of You Sheng National Preceptor. The Wu-Yue kingdom called Deshao (personal name) national preceptor. The Tang kingdom of Jiangnan named Wensui (personal name) as National Great Guide (the title of guide contains two meanings, just as in the Lotus Sutra, merchants call the leader a guide, meaning
即引路指述也。若唱導之師。此即表白也。故宋衡陽王鎮江陵。因齋會無有導師。請曇光為導。及明帝設會。見光唱導稱善。敕賜三衣瓶缽焉)。
雜任職員
寺之設也三綱立焉。若網罟之巨綱提之則正。故云也。梵語摩摩帝悉替那羯磨那陀。華言言寺主上座悅眾也。詳其寺主起乎東漢白馬也。寺既爰處人必主之。於時雖無寺主之名。而有知事之者。至東晉以來。此職方盛。故侯景言。以蕭衍老翁作太平寺主也。後周則有陟岵寺主。自敕封署。隋有大興善寺主。唐太平公主奏胡僧慧范為聖善寺主。仍加三品封公爵。則天以薛懷義為白馬寺主。盡由敕補。自余諸道三年一代耳。夫上座者有三種焉。集異足毗曇云。一生年為耆年。二世俗財名與貴族(如節度使劉綐。出家物賜夏臘)三先受戒及先證果(此名最勝)古今立此位。皆取其年德。干局者充之。高僧傳多雲。被敕為某寺上座是也。道宣敕為西明寺上座。列寺主維那之上。五運圖中敕補者繼有之。都維那者。寄歸傳云。華梵兼舉也。維是綱。維華言也。那是略梵語。刪去羯磨陀三字也。魏孝文以皇舅寺僧義法師為京邑都維那。則敕補也。是乃昭玄都維那耳。今寺中立者。如玄暢敕為總持寺維那是地。次典座者。謂典主床座。凡事舉座。一色以攝之。乃通
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 這就像引路人指明道路一樣。如果唱導的法師，這就相當於表白。所以宋朝衡陽王在鎮守江陵時，因為齋會沒有導師，就請曇光擔任導師。等到明帝舉辦佛事活動時，看到曇光唱導，稱讚他做得好，於是下令賞賜他三衣和瓶缽。
雜任職員
寺廟的設立，三綱（寺主、上座、悅眾）也隨之確立。就像漁網的大綱，提起它，整個網就正了。說的就是這個道理。梵語摩摩帝悉替那羯磨那陀（Mamatissitatnakarmanatha），翻譯成漢語就是寺主、上座、悅眾。詳細考察寺主的起源，可以追溯到東漢時期的白馬寺。寺廟既然已經建立，就必須有人來主管。當時雖然沒有寺主這個名稱，但有負責管理事務的人。到了東晉以後，這個職位才開始興盛。所以侯景說，把蕭衍老翁當作太平寺的寺主。後周有陟岵寺的寺主，由皇帝下令任命。隋朝有大興善寺的寺主。唐朝太平公主上奏，讓胡僧慧范擔任聖善寺的寺主，還加封他三品官爵和公爵。武則天任命薛懷義為白馬寺的寺主，這些都是由皇帝下令任命的。其餘各道的寺主，每三年更換一次。上座有三種：根據《集異足毗曇》的說法，一是年齡大的耆年，二是世俗的財富名望與貴族（如節度使劉綐，出家時將財物捐給寺廟），三是先受戒或先證果（這被稱為最殊勝）。古今設立這個職位，都是選取那些年高德劭、有能力的人來擔任。高僧傳中經常記載，某人被皇帝下令擔任某寺的上座。道宣被皇帝下令擔任西明寺的上座，地位在寺主和維那之上。《五運圖》中由皇帝下令任命的上座也屢見不鮮。都維那，根據《寄歸傳》的說法，是梵語和漢語的結合。維是綱，是漢語的說法。那是省略的梵語，刪去了羯磨陀三個字。魏孝文帝任命皇舅寺的僧人義法師為京邑都維那，這也是由皇帝下令任命的。這實際上是昭玄都維那。現在寺廟中設立的維那，比如玄暢被皇帝下令擔任總持寺的維那，地位僅次於典座。典座，就是主管床座，凡是與座位有關的事情，都由他統一管理，這是通用的做法。
【English Translation】 English version: This is like a guide pointing out the road. If it is a Dharma master who leads the chanting, this is equivalent to a statement. Therefore, when King Hengyang of the Song Dynasty was stationed in Jiangling, because there was no guide for the vegetarian gathering, he invited Tan Guang to be the guide. When Emperor Ming held Buddhist activities, he saw Tan Guang leading the chanting and praised him for doing well, so he ordered him to be rewarded with three robes and a bowl.
Miscellaneous Staff
The establishment of a monastery also establishes the three governing positions (abbot, senior monk, and director of ceremonies). It's like the main rope of a fishing net; when you lift it, the whole net is straightened. This is the principle. The Sanskrit term is Mamatissitatnakarmanatha, which translates to abbot, senior monk, and director of ceremonies in Chinese. Examining the origin of the abbot in detail, it can be traced back to the White Horse Temple in the Eastern Han Dynasty. Since the monastery had been established, there had to be someone to manage it. Although there was no title of abbot at that time, there were people in charge of managing affairs. This position began to flourish after the Eastern Jin Dynasty. Therefore, Hou Jing said that he regarded the old man Xiao Yan as the abbot of the Taiping Temple. In the Later Zhou Dynasty, there was an abbot of Zhihu Temple, who was appointed by imperial decree. In the Sui Dynasty, there was an abbot of Daxingshan Temple. During the Tang Dynasty, Princess Taiping requested that the Hu monk Hui Fan be the abbot of Shengshan Temple, and he was also granted the third rank and the title of Duke. Empress Wu Zetian appointed Xue Huaiyi as the abbot of the White Horse Temple, all of which were appointed by imperial decree. The abbots of the other provinces were replaced every three years. There are three types of senior monks: According to the Sangitiparyaya, one is a jyestha (elderly person) in age, the second is worldly wealth, fame, and nobility (such as the military commissioner Liu Xu, who donated his property to the temple when he became a monk), and the third is one who has taken precepts or attained enlightenment first (this is called the most excellent). In ancient and modern times, this position has been established by selecting those who are old, virtuous, and capable. The Biographies of Eminent Monks often record that someone was ordered by the emperor to be the senior monk of a certain temple. Dao Xuan was ordered by the emperor to be the senior monk of Ximing Temple, with a position above the abbot and the vina. In the Five Dynasties, there were many cases of senior monks appointed by imperial decree. The du vina (chief director of ceremonies), according to the Record of Returning to the South Sea, is a combination of Sanskrit and Chinese. Vi means 'rope' or 'framework' and is a Chinese term. Na is an abbreviated Sanskrit term, omitting the three characters karmanatha. Emperor Xiaowen of the Wei Dynasty appointed the monk Yi, a relative of the emperor, as the du vina of the capital, which was also appointed by imperial decree. This was actually the Zhaoxuan du vina. The vina established in the current temple, such as Xuan Chang being ordered by the emperor to be the vina of Zongchi Temple, is second only to the dianzuo (director of seats). The dianzuo is in charge of the seats, and all matters related to the seats are managed by him in a unified manner, which is a common practice.
典雜事也。或立直歲則直一年。或直月直半月。直日皆悅眾也。隨方立之。都謂之三綱。雜任其僧綱也。唐初數葉不立僧主。各寺設此三官而已。至元和長慶間。立左右街僧錄。總錄僧尼。或有事則先白錄司。后報官方也。朱梁後唐晉漢周今大宋皆循曩制矣。又宋齊之世曾立法主一員。故道猷敕為新安寺鎮寺法主。法瑗為湘宮寺法主。至唐末多立。受依止阇梨一員。亦稱法主。今朝秉律員。位最高者號宗主亦同也。依止阇梨或當敕補者。蓋道俗之間。有爭不分曲直。告其剖斷令人息爭。故號之也。周隋之際。有法導專精律范。北齊主既敬法門。五眾斯盛。有犯律者。令遵理之。敕為斷事沙門。時有青齊僧訟。敕令斷之。繁爭自弭。至隋詔住大興善寺。斷事之名遵統為始(后升爲統)隋日嚴寺釋彥琮著僧官論。必廣明僧職。求本未獲耳。
僧主秩俸
僧之少欲本合辭榮。佛之軌儀止令分衛。其如若無尊大御下誠難。或契宿因冥招檀信。此又別時之意也。故那爛陀寺有學通諸部者。出入象乘齋食官供。此方道寵日受黃金等。自姚秦命僧[(豐*力)/石]為僧正。秩同侍中。此則公給食俸之始也。洎魏孝文下。歲施道人應統帛。詔云。應統仰紹前哲。繼軌道門。徴佇玄范。沖猷是托。今既讓俗名。理宜別供。
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 這是關於寺院雜事的記載。或者設立『直歲』（zhí suì，值年僧人），負責一年；或者設立『直月』（zhí yuè，值月僧人），負責一個月或半個月；設立『直日』（zhí rì，值日僧人），都是爲了使大眾感到喜悅。這些職務的設立根據各地情況而定，總的來說被稱為『三綱』（sān gāng，寺院中的三種主要職務）。各種事務都由僧綱（sēng gāng，僧官）負責。唐朝初期，有好幾代沒有設立僧主（sēng zhǔ，僧官之長），各個寺院只設立這三種職務。到了元和（Yuán hé）長慶（Cháng qìng）年間，設立了左右街僧錄（zuǒ yòu jiē sēng lù，管理僧尼的僧官），總管僧尼事務。如果有事情，先稟告僧錄司（sēng lù sī，僧錄所在的機構），然後再報告給官方。朱梁（Zhū Liáng）、後唐（Hòu Táng）、後晉（Hòu Jìn）、後漢（Hòu Hàn）、後周（Hòu Zhōu）以及現在的宋朝（Sòng cháo），都沿用了以前的制度。另外，宋（Sòng）、齊（Qí）時期，曾經設立法主（fǎ zhǔ，佛法之主）一職。所以道猷（Dào yóu）被敕封為新安寺（Xīn ān sì）鎮寺法主，法瑗（Fǎ yuán）為湘宮寺（Xiāng gōng sì）法主。到了唐朝末年，設立了很多受依止阇梨（shòu yī zhǐ shélí，接受弟子依止的阿阇梨）一職，也稱為法主。現在朝廷中秉持戒律的僧人，地位最高的人被稱為宗主（zōng zhǔ），也是同樣的稱呼。依止阇梨，或者由朝廷任命的，是因為百姓之間，有爭端無法分辨是非曲直，就告訴他，讓他來剖析決斷，使人們平息爭端，所以才這樣稱呼他。周（Zhōu）、隋（Suí）之際，有法導（Fǎ dǎo）專精於戒律。北齊（Běi Qí）的統治者非常敬重佛法，僧團非常興盛。有違反戒律的人，就讓他遵守戒律。朝廷敕封他為斷事沙門（duàn shì shā mén，判決事務的僧人）。當時有青州（Qīng zhōu）、齊州（Qí zhōu）的僧人發生爭訟，朝廷敕令他來判決，繁瑣的爭端就平息了。到了隋朝（Suí cháo），朝廷下詔讓他住在在大興善寺（Dà xīng shàn sì）。斷事（duàn shì）這個名稱是從遵統（Zūn tǒng）開始的（後來升爲統）。隋朝（Suí cháo）的釋彥琮（Shì Yàn cóng）寫了《僧官論》（Sēng guān lùn），一定要廣泛地闡明僧職，但最終沒有找到根本原因。
僧主的俸祿
僧人應該少欲知足，本來應該辭謝榮華。佛陀的制度只允許僧人托缽乞食。如果沒有尊卑上下之分，確實很難管理。或者是因為前世的因緣，暗中感召了施主。這又是另一種情況。所以那爛陀寺（Nà làn tuó sì）有精通各部經典的僧人，乘坐大象出入，齋飯由官府供給。我們這裡有道寵（Dào chǒng）每天接受黃金等等。從姚秦（Yáo Qín）任命僧[(豐*力)/石]（Sēng lüè）為僧正（sēng zhèng，僧官之長），俸祿和侍中（shì zhōng，官名）一樣。這是由官方供給俸祿的開始。到了魏孝文帝（Wèi Xiào wén dì）時期，每年施捨給道人應統（Yīng tǒng）布帛。詔書中說：『應統仰慕前代的賢哲，繼承和發揚佛法。我們期待他能闡揚玄妙的佛法，所以現在免除他的俗世名位，理應另外供給。』
【English Translation】 English version: These are records of miscellaneous affairs in monasteries. Sometimes a 'Zhisui' (zhí suì, year-attending monk) is established to be in charge for a year; sometimes a 'Zhiyue' (zhí yuè, month-attending monk) is established to be in charge for a month or half a month; the establishment of 'Zhiris' (zhí rì, day-attending monks) is all for the purpose of pleasing the public. The establishment of these positions depends on local conditions and is generally called the 'Three Pillars' (sān gāng, three main positions in a monastery). Various affairs are all the responsibility of the Sangha Administration (sēng gāng, monastic officials). In the early Tang Dynasty, for several generations, there was no Sangha Chief (sēng zhǔ, head of monastic officials), and each monastery only established these three positions. During the Yuanhe (Yuán hé) and Changqing (Cháng qìng) periods, Left and Right Street Sangha Recorders (zuǒ yòu jiē sēng lù, monastic officials in charge of monks and nuns) were established to oversee the affairs of monks and nuns. If there was anything, they would first report to the Sangha Recorder's Office (sēng lù sī, the office where the Sangha Recorder was located) and then report to the government. The Zhu Liang (Zhū Liáng), Later Tang (Hòu Táng), Later Jin (Hòu Jìn), Later Han (Hòu Hàn), Later Zhou (Hòu Zhōu), and the current Song Dynasty (Sòng cháo) all follow the previous system. In addition, during the Song (Sòng) and Qi (Qí) periods, the position of Dharma Lord (fǎ zhǔ, Lord of the Dharma) was once established. Therefore, Daoyou (Dào yóu) was appointed as the Dharma Lord of Zhen Temple (zhèn sì fǎ zhǔ) of Xin'an Temple (Xīn ān sì), and Fayuan (Fǎ yuán) was the Dharma Lord of Xiangong Temple (Xiāng gōng sì). By the end of the Tang Dynasty, many Acaryas of Reliance (shòu yī zhǐ shélí, Acaryas who accept disciples' reliance) were established, also known as Dharma Lords. Nowadays, the monks in the court who uphold the precepts, the one with the highest position is called the Patriarch (zōng zhǔ), which is the same title. The Acarya of Reliance, or those appointed by the imperial court, is because among the people, there are disputes that cannot be distinguished between right and wrong, so they are told to him to analyze and judge, so that people can quell disputes, hence the name.
During the Zhou (Zhōu) and Sui (Suí) dynasties, there was Fadao (Fǎ dǎo) who specialized in the Vinaya. The ruler of the Northern Qi (Běi Qí) Dynasty greatly respected the Dharma, and the Sangha flourished. Those who violated the precepts were made to abide by them. The imperial court appointed him as the Dharma-Judging Shramana (duàn shì shā mén, a monk who judges affairs). At that time, there were monks from Qingzhou (Qīng zhōu) and Qizhou (Qí zhōu) who had disputes, and the imperial court ordered him to judge them, and the complicated disputes were quelled. In the Sui Dynasty (Suí cháo), the imperial court issued an edict for him to reside in Daxingshan Temple (Dà xīng shàn sì). The name 'Judge of Affairs' (duàn shì) began with Zuntong (Zūn tǒng) (later promoted to Tong). Shi Yancong (Shì Yàn cóng) of the Sui Dynasty (Suí cháo) wrote 'On Monastic Officials' (Sēng guān lùn), and he had to extensively clarify monastic positions, but he ultimately failed to find the root cause.
Ranks and Stipends of Sangha Chiefs
Monks should have few desires and be content, and should originally decline honors. The Buddha's system only allows monks to beg for alms. If there is no distinction between superior and inferior, it is indeed difficult to manage. Or it is because of past karmic connections that secretly attract benefactors. This is another situation. Therefore, Nalanda Temple (Nà làn tuó sì) had monks who were proficient in various scriptures, entering and exiting on elephants, and their meals were provided by the government. Here, there is Daochong (Dào chǒng) who receives gold every day, and so on. From the Yao Qin (Yáo Qín) Dynasty, Seng[(豐*力)/石] (Sēng lüè) was appointed as Sangha Chief (sēng zhèng, head of monastic officials), with the same salary as a Chamberlain (shì zhōng, an official title). This was the beginning of the official provision of stipends. During the reign of Emperor Xiaowen of the Wei Dynasty (Wèi Xiào wén dì), silk was given to the Daoist Yingtong (Yīng tǒng) every year. The edict said: 'Yingtong admires the sages of the past and continues to promote the Dharma. We expect him to expound the profound Dharma, so now we exempt him from his secular position and should provide him with separate support.'
可取八解之義。歲施帛八百匹。準四輩之貺。隨四時而給。又修善之本實依力命。施食之因內典所美。可依朝官上秩當月而施。至於身後猶齋僧。資薦僧官得時。在孝文之世也。唐代宗令度支具廩給內道場僧。又唐祠部格道士通二篇。給田三十畝。僧通經業。準上給田也。
論曰。西域飲光糞衣紏眾。北齊上統布服臨官。或尚道情則凡愚者不畏。或多豪富則忌克者所謀。吏力豈得不無俸財。可宜多畜。盜憎民惡。負乘懷璧。立加害己。又損法門。子曰。與其奢也寧儉。宜以道德悅服於人可矣。
尼附
東晉何充始舍宅為寺。安尼其間。不無神異義解道明之者雄飛傑出矣。宋寶賢為京邑尼僧正。文帝四事供養。孝武月給錢一萬。尼正之俸寶賢始也。
管屬僧尼
教傳東漢時。歷魏朝信向未臻。伽藍全少。僧既有數。事亦無多。乃反前言。則須關白。關白何所還。在鴻臚寺焉。故知沙門始隸鴻臚也。西晉無說。後魏有云。初立監福曹以統攝僧伍。尋更為昭玄寺也。故隋百官志曰。昭玄寺掌佛教。署大統一人統一人都維那三人。置功曹主簿員。以管諸州郡縣沙門矣。后復改崇玄署焉。梁僧祐云。如今同文寺也。因疑齊梁之世曾立同文寺以主僧務。未見其文。於時帶司呼官故曰昭玄大統。至唐
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本：可以採取八解（Astangamarga）的意義。每年佈施絲綢八百匹，按照四種人的供奉標準，隨著四季而供給。此外，修善的根本在於依靠自身的力量和命運。佈施食物的原因，是內典（佛教經典）所讚美的。可以按照朝廷官員的等級，在當月進行佈施。至於去世之後，仍然齋僧，資助僧官，要選擇適當的時機，這在孝文帝的時代就已經開始了。唐代宗命令度支部準備倉庫供給內道場的僧人。另外，唐朝祠部規定道士可以通讀兩篇經文，給予田地三十畝。僧人通曉經業，也按照這個標準給予田地。
論曰：西域的飲光（Kasyapa Buddha）穿著糞掃衣來糾正大眾，北齊的上統（僧官名）穿著布衣來管理事務。如果崇尚道義和情感，那麼平庸愚笨的人就不會畏懼；如果有很多豪門富戶，那麼吝嗇刻薄的人就會有所圖謀。官吏的力量怎麼能沒有俸祿錢財呢？應該多加積蓄，因為盜賊憎恨，百姓厭惡，身負重物又懷揣寶玉，一定會招來殺身之禍，還會損害佛法。孔子說：『與其奢侈，不如節儉。』應該用道德來使人悅服，這樣就可以了。
尼附：
東晉的何充開始捨棄住宅作為寺廟，安置尼姑在其中。其中不乏有神異和義理解釋精通的人才雄飛傑出。宋朝的寶賢擔任京城尼僧正（管理尼姑的僧官），文帝給予四事供養，孝武帝每月供給錢一萬。尼僧正的俸祿，從寶賢開始。
管屬僧尼：
佛教傳入東漢時，經歷了魏朝，信仰還沒有達到興盛。寺廟非常少，僧人數量也有限，事情也不多。如果違反之前的規定，就需要稟告。稟告給誰呢？稟告給鴻臚寺。因此可知，沙門（出家人）最初隸屬於鴻臚寺。西晉沒有相關的記載，後魏有記載說，最初設立監福曹來統攝僧人，不久之後改為昭玄寺。所以隋朝的《百官志》說：昭玄寺掌管佛教，設定大統一人、統一人、都維那三人，設定功曹、主簿等官員，來管理各州郡縣的沙門。後來又改為崇玄署。梁朝的僧祐說：『如今的同文寺也是如此。』因此懷疑齊梁時期曾經設立同文寺來主管僧務，但是沒有見到相關的文獻記載。當時帶司呼官，所以叫做昭玄大統。到了唐朝……
【English Translation】 English version: The meaning of the Eightfold Path (Astangamarga) can be adopted. Eight hundred bolts of silk are given annually, according to the standard of offerings for the four types of people, and supplied according to the four seasons. In addition, the foundation of cultivating goodness lies in relying on one's own strength and destiny. The reason for giving food is praised by the inner scriptures (Buddhist scriptures). Offerings can be made in the current month according to the rank of court officials. As for after death, still offering food to monks and supporting monastic officials should be done at the appropriate time, which began in the era of Emperor Xiaowen. Emperor Daizong of the Tang Dynasty ordered the Ministry of Revenue to prepare warehouses to supply monks in the inner monasteries. In addition, the Ministry of Rites of the Tang Dynasty stipulated that Taoists could read two scriptures and be given thirty mu of land. Monks who are proficient in scriptures are also given land according to this standard.
Discussion: Kasyapa Buddha of the Western Regions wore robes made of discarded rags to correct the masses. The Shangtong (name of a monastic official) of the Northern Qi Dynasty wore cloth robes to manage affairs. If one values morality and emotions, then the mediocre and foolish will not be afraid; if there are many wealthy and powerful people, then the stingy and mean will plot. How can the power of officials be without salary and wealth? One should accumulate more, because thieves hate and the people despise, carrying heavy objects and possessing jade will surely invite death and harm the Dharma. Confucius said: 'Rather be frugal than extravagant.' It is appropriate to use morality to please people, and that is all.
Nuns' Attachment:
He Chong of the Eastern Jin Dynasty began to abandon his residence as a temple, placing nuns within it. Among them, there were no lack of talented people with divine abilities and profound understanding of the meaning of the teachings. Bao Xian of the Song Dynasty served as the Jingyi Nisengzheng (monastic official in charge of nuns) in the capital. Emperor Wen gave four kinds of offerings, and Emperor Xiaowu gave 10,000 coins per month. Bao Xian was the first to receive a salary as a Nisengzheng.
Management of Monks and Nuns:
When Buddhism was introduced to the Eastern Han Dynasty, it went through the Wei Dynasty, and faith had not yet reached its peak. There were very few monasteries, and the number of monks was limited, and there were not many affairs. If the previous regulations are violated, it is necessary to report. To whom should it be reported? Report to the Honglu Temple. Therefore, it can be known that the Shramanas (monastics) were initially under the jurisdiction of the Honglu Temple. There are no related records in the Western Jin Dynasty, but there are records in the Later Wei Dynasty that the Jianfu Cao was initially established to govern the monks, and it was soon changed to Zhaoxuan Temple. Therefore, the 'Hundred Officials Records' of the Sui Dynasty says: The Zhaoxuan Temple is in charge of Buddhism, and has one Datong, one Tongren, and three Du Weina, and sets up officials such as Gongcao and Zhubu to manage the Shramanas of various prefectures and counties. Later, it was changed to Chongxuan Shu. Monk You of the Liang Dynasty said: 'The current Tongwen Temple is also like this.' Therefore, it is suspected that the Tongwen Temple was established during the Qi and Liang Dynasties to be in charge of monastic affairs, but no related literature has been found. At that time, the official was called Da Si Hu Guan, so it was called Zhaoxuan Datong. By the Tang Dynasty...
初窈無此謂。僧尼皆隸司賓。案會要云。則天延載元年五月十五日。敕天下僧尼隸祠部。不須屬司賓。知天后前系司賓也。此乃隸祠部之始也。義取其善攘惡福解災之謂也。玄宗開元十四年。中書門下奏僧尼。割屬鴻臚寺。從之一十五年正月。敕僧尼令祠部撿挍。道士女冠隸宗正寺。蓋以李宗入皇籍也。憲宗元和二年二月。詔僧尼道士。全隸左右街功德使。自是司封祠部不復關奏。會要曰。大曆十四年。敕內外功德使。並宜停罷。若然者。代宗朝早置功德使。但內外與左右街異耳。元和中並司封祠部。而置左右街功德使。由吐突承璀累立軍功故有此授。僧道屬焉。寶曆中。護軍中尉劉規亦充此使。至會昌五年。廢寺像。敕僧尼不宜隸祠部。於時中書門下奏云。奉宣僧尼不隸祠部。合屬主客為仗。令鴻臚寺收管。宜分摺奏來者。天下僧尼國朝以來並隸鴻臚寺。至天寶二年。隸祠部(與延載時不同)臣等據大唐六典。祠部掌天地宗廟大祀。與僧事殊不相當。又可務根本。合歸尚書省。隸鴻臚寺。未為允當。又六典主客掌朝貢之國七十餘蕃。五天笠國並在數內。釋氏出自天笠。今陛下以其非中國之數。已有釐革僧尼名籍。便令系主客不隸祠部及鴻臚寺。從之六年五月。制僧尼依前令兩街功德使收管。不要系主客。其所度僧仍
令祠部給牒。宣宗重闡佛宗。所度僧尼還屬左右街功德使。故楊欽義充左街功德使。宣使之捕道士趙歸真。昭宗朝宰臣崔某奏誅宦官。內諸司使一切停罷皆歸省寺。功德使宰執帶之。梁革唐命。道士不入宗正。僧尼還系祠部。梁末帝龍德元年。禁天下私度僧尼。有愿出家。勒入京比試后祠部上請焉。後唐無聞。晉以揚光遠為天下功德使。自維青不軌之後。不置此使矣。至今大宋。僧道並隸功德使。出家乞度。策試經業。則功德使關祠部出牒。繫於二曹矣。
論曰。鴻臚寺之任禮四夷遠人也。教法初來。須就斯寺。雖興白馬。終隸此司。古云僧尼系鴻臚寺者是也。及乎嘗蒟醬以言美。服皮靴而稍佳。則曰四海一家。王者無外。故後魏置監福曹焉昭玄寺焉崇玄署焉。設官佈局以攝僧尼。蒟醬而以生我土。皮靴而認作華裝。故唐朝勒歸祠部。既而因事釐革逐朝廢興故。立功德使以總之。中宗時以沙門廓清為修功德使。官至殿中監。土突軍容軍功莫賞。朝廷議以功德使榮之。非謂專其僧道也。於時尚書省司封先屬其中。由是不出中官。洎唐末行袁紹之誅。職歸宰執。皇朝盛重此職。亦僧道之幸事也。
祠部牒附
嘗聞僧視其官則五品。然未見令式史傳明載。且信相傳(又曾見僧五品非官品也)據其誦經合格
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 命令祠部頒發度牒。唐宣宗重新提倡佛教，所度的僧尼仍然歸左右街功德使管理。因此，楊欽義擔任左街功德使。宣使逮捕道士趙歸真。唐昭宗時期，宰相崔某上奏誅殺宦官，宮內各司的使者全部停止，歸於省寺管理，功德使由宰相兼任。梁朝取代唐朝，道士不歸宗正管理，僧尼仍然隸屬祠部。梁末帝龍德元年，禁止天下私自剃度的僧尼。如果有人願意出家，必須勒令到京城參加比試，然後由祠部上報請示。後唐時期沒有相關記載。後晉時期，任命揚光遠為天下功德使。自從維州、青州發生叛亂之後，就不再設定這個職位了。直到現在的大宋朝，僧人和道士都隸屬於功德使管理。出家請求度牒，進行經業策試，都由功德使通知祠部頒發度牒，隸屬於吏部和戶部二曹。 評論說：鴻臚寺的職責是接待四夷遠方之人。佛教教法初來中國時，需要歸屬於鴻臚寺管理。雖然興起于白馬寺（White Horse Temple），最終還是隸屬於鴻臚寺。古人所說的僧尼隸屬於鴻臚寺就是這個意思。等到人們品嚐蒟醬（betel leaves）后稱讚其美味，穿上皮靴後覺得更加舒適，就說四海一家，王者沒有內外之分。所以後魏設定監福曹、昭玄寺、崇玄署，設定官職來管理僧尼。蒟醬生長在我們的土地上，皮靴也被認為是華麗的服飾。所以唐朝命令僧尼歸祠部管理。後來因為各種事情進行改革，每個朝代都有廢除和興起，所以設立功德使來總管僧道事務。唐中宗時期，任命沙門廓清為修功德使，官至殿中監。因為土突軍容的軍功沒有得到賞賜，朝廷商議用功德使的職位來榮耀他，並不是專門讓他管理僧道事務。當時尚書省的司封先隸屬於其中，因此不由宦官擔任。到了唐朝末年，實行袁紹誅殺宦官的做法，這個職位歸宰相管理。皇朝非常重視這個職位，這也是僧道之幸事。 祠部度牒附錄： 曾經聽說僧人的官階相當於五品，但是沒有看到令式史書明確記載。只是相信相傳（又曾經見過僧人五品並非官品），根據其誦經合格。
【English Translation】 English version: The Ministry of Rites was ordered to issue ordination certificates (die 牒). Emperor Xuanzong of Tang re-emphasized Buddhism, and the monks and nuns ordained were still under the jurisdiction of the Left and Right Street Merit Envoys (gongde shi 功德使). Therefore, Yang Qin-yi was appointed as the Left Street Merit Envoy. The envoy arrested the Daoist Zhao Gui-zhen. During the reign of Emperor Zhaozong of Tang, the chancellor Cui impeached and executed the eunuchs. All the envoys of the inner palace were dismissed and returned to the provincial temples, and the Merit Envoy was concurrently held by the chancellors. The Liang dynasty replaced the Tang dynasty, and Daoists were no longer under the jurisdiction of the Court of Imperial Clan Affairs (Zongzheng 宗正), while monks and nuns were still under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Rites. In the first year of Longde during the reign of Emperor Mo of Liang, private ordination of monks and nuns was prohibited throughout the country. Those who wished to become monks or nuns were ordered to go to the capital for testing, and then the Ministry of Rites would report to the emperor for approval. There is no record of this during the Later Tang dynasty. During the Later Jin dynasty, Yang Guang-yuan was appointed as the Merit Envoy of the whole country. After the rebellions in Weizhou and Qingzhou, this position was no longer established. Until the present Great Song dynasty, monks and Daoists are all under the jurisdiction of the Merit Envoy. Requests for ordination and examinations of scriptures are all handled by the Merit Envoy, who informs the Ministry of Rites to issue ordination certificates, which are then under the jurisdiction of the two departments of the Ministry of Personnel and the Ministry of Revenue. It is commented that: The duty of the Court of State Ceremonial (Honglu Si 鴻臚寺) is to receive foreigners from all directions. When Buddhist teachings first came to China, they needed to be under the management of the Court of State Ceremonial. Although it originated from the White Horse Temple (Baima Si 白馬寺), it was ultimately under the jurisdiction of this department. This is what the ancients meant when they said that monks and nuns were under the jurisdiction of the Court of State Ceremonial. When people tasted betel leaves (jujiang 蒟醬) and praised their deliciousness, and wore leather boots and felt more comfortable, they said that the world is one family, and the ruler has no distinction between inside and outside. Therefore, the Later Wei dynasty established the Directorate of Monastic Affairs (Jianfu Cao 監福曹), the Zhaoxuan Temple (Zhaoxuan Si 昭玄寺), and the Chongxuan Bureau (Chongxuan Shu 崇玄署), setting up official positions to manage monks and nuns. Betel leaves grow in our land, and leather boots are also considered gorgeous attire. Therefore, the Tang dynasty ordered monks and nuns to be under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Rites. Later, due to various reforms, each dynasty had abolitions and establishments, so the position of Merit Envoy was established to oversee all monastic affairs. During the reign of Emperor Zhongzong of Tang, the monk Kuo Qing was appointed as the Merit Envoy for repairing meritorious deeds, and his official position reached Palace Attendant. Because the military merits of Tu Tu Jun Rong were not rewarded, the court discussed using the position of Merit Envoy to honor him, not specifically to manage monastic affairs. At that time, the Department of Seals of the Ministry of Personnel was first under its jurisdiction, so it was not held by eunuchs. By the end of the Tang dynasty, Yuan Shao's practice of killing eunuchs was implemented, and this position was managed by the chancellor. The imperial court attached great importance to this position, which was also a fortunate event for monks and Daoists. Appendix to the Ordination Certificate of the Ministry of Rites: It has been heard that the official rank of monks is equivalent to the fifth rank, but there is no clear record in the official regulations and historical records. It is only believed to be passed down (and it has also been seen that the fifth rank of monks is not an official rank), based on their passing the scripture recitation.
。就試得通。此僧選也。剃髮被袈裟。此釋褐也。敕授形俱無作戒法。此官位也。講三藏教。充如來使也。化導內外眾。使背惡向善。理民也。為國行道。保民無災。為之課最也。茍弗比其階品視其職官。其可得乎將來法門君子對敡。帝王請降明敕。許比某官某品。像末之時為美事之端。自我之力不其善乎。若夫稽其鄉貫。則南朝有之(見高僧傳)唯為搜揚便生名籍。系之限局。必有憑由。憑由之來即祠部牒也。案續會要。天寶六年五月。制僧尼。依前兩街功德使收管。不要更隸主客。其所度僧尼仍令祠部給牒(唐祠部牒皆綾素錦素鈿軸蓋綸誥也。非官何謂)給牒自玄宗朝始也。及德宗建中中。敕天下僧尼。身死還俗者。當日仰三綱。于本縣陳牒。每月申州附朝。集使申省。並符誥同送者。注毀其京城即于祠部陳牒納告(告身即戒牒也)。
僧道班位
佛法通行。朝代更歷。未全鼎成。則置而勿論。及動時君。則入宮見妒。加以僧乘時而炫曜。法因事而仳離。乃與玄門抗衡角力。因有諍故遂結朋黨。由朋黨故遂生愛憎焉。經中不許親近國王大臣王子等。又云。我法付囑王臣者何。若以倚傍力輪。茍不親近。而可得乎。若以招致殃咎。茍欲榮身。其可免乎。觀其末代。垢重情移。奉身而已。罕聞為教而觀近
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本：如果這樣嘗試就能行得通。這位僧人就是被選拔出來的。剃髮、披上袈裟，這相當於脫去平民的身份。朝廷授予他無作戒法，這相當於授予官位。講解三藏經典，相當於擔任如來的使者。教化內外的民眾，使他們背離邪惡、走向善良，這相當於治理百姓。為國家修行佛道，保佑百姓沒有災難，這相當於政績考覈最優等。如果不是按照他的階品來看待，而是按照他的職官來看待，這怎麼能行得通呢？希望將來的法門君子能夠對皇帝進諫，請求皇帝下達明確的敕令，允許僧人比照某個官職或品級。在佛法衰微的時代，這可以作為一件美事的開端。通過我的努力，難道不是很好嗎？至於考察僧人的籍貫，南朝就有這樣的做法（見《高僧傳》），只是爲了搜尋人才，方便建立名籍，加以限制和管理，必須要有憑證。憑證的來源就是祠部的公文。根據《續會要》記載，天寶六年五月，朝廷下令僧尼按照以前的慣例由兩街功德使管理，不再隸屬於主客司。所度化的僧尼仍然由祠部頒發公文（唐朝祠部的公文都是用綾、素、錦、素等材料製作，配有鈿軸、蓋子和綸巾，如果不是官員，怎麼會有這些東西呢？）。頒發公文的做法是從玄宗朝開始的。到了德宗建中時期，朝廷下令天下的僧尼，如果去世或還俗，當天要向三綱彙報，在本縣陳述公文，每月上報州府，附在朝集的使者處上報省里，和符誥一同送去。如果京城被攻破，就在祠部陳述公文，上交告身（告身就是戒牒）。 僧道班位 佛法通行，朝代更替，還沒有完全形成定製，那就暫時不討論。等到觸動了當權者，就會在宮中引起嫉妒。加上僧人趁著時機炫耀自己，佛法因為這些事情而離散。於是就和道教玄門對抗角力，因為有爭鬥，就結成朋黨，因為朋黨，就產生了愛憎。經典中不允許親近國王、大臣、王子等。又說，我的佛法付囑給王臣是爲了什麼呢？如果依靠權勢，不親近他們，怎麼能行得通呢？如果招致災禍，想要保全自身，怎麼能避免呢？看看末法時代，人們的污垢深重，情感轉移，只顧奉養自身，很少聽說爲了佛法而觀察近況。
【English Translation】 English version: If trying this way works, then this monk is selected. Shaving the head and wearing the kasaya (robe) is equivalent to shedding the status of a commoner. The court bestowing the uncreated precepts is equivalent to bestowing an official position. Explaining the Threefold Canon is equivalent to serving as the Tathagata's (如來) envoy. Educating the people inside and outside, causing them to turn away from evil and towards good, is equivalent to governing the people. Practicing the Dharma (佛道) for the country, protecting the people from disasters, is equivalent to the highest grade in performance evaluation. If one does not regard him according to his rank but according to his official position, how can this work? It is hoped that future gentlemen of the Dharma (法門) will advise the emperor, requesting the emperor to issue a clear edict, allowing monks to be compared to a certain official position or rank. In the era of the decline of the Dharma, this can serve as the beginning of a beautiful thing. Through my efforts, isn't this good? As for investigating the monk's place of origin, the Southern Dynasties (南朝) had such practices (see 'Biographies of Eminent Monks' 《高僧傳》), only to search for talents, to facilitate the establishment of registers, to restrict and manage them, there must be evidence. The source of the evidence is the document from the Ministry of Rites (祠部). According to the 'Continued Comprehensive Statutes' 《續會要》, in May of the sixth year of the Tianbao era (天寶), the court ordered that monks and nuns should be managed by the Merit Envoys of the Two Streets (兩街功德使) as before, and no longer be subordinate to the Ministry of Dependencies (主客司). The monks and nuns who were ordained should still be issued documents by the Ministry of Rites (the documents of the Ministry of Rites in the Tang Dynasty were all made of materials such as silk, plain silk, brocade, and plain silk, equipped with jeweled shafts, covers, and silk scarves; if they were not officials, how could they have these things?). The practice of issuing documents began in the Xuanzong (玄宗) era. During the Jianzhong (建中) period of Emperor Dezong (德宗), the court ordered that if monks and nuns throughout the country died or returned to secular life, they should report to the Three Heads (三綱) on the same day, state the document in the local county, report it to the prefecture every month, attach it to the envoys of the court assembly to report to the province, and send it together with the talisman edict. If the capital was breached, they would state the document in the Ministry of Rites and hand in the certificate of ordination (告身, which is the ordination certificate 戒牒). Ranks of Monks and Taoists (僧道班位) As Buddhism (佛法) spread and dynasties changed, if it had not yet fully formed a system, then let's not discuss it for now. When it touched the powerful, it would cause jealousy in the palace. In addition, monks took the opportunity to show off, and the Dharma (法) was scattered because of these things. Thus, they confronted and competed with the Taoist Xuanmen (玄門), and because there was strife, they formed factions, and because of factions, they produced love and hate. The scriptures do not allow close association with kings, ministers, princes, etc. It is also said, 'Why is my Dharma (佛法) entrusted to kings and ministers?' If relying on power, how can it work without being close to them? If inviting disaster, wanting to preserve oneself, how can one avoid it? Looking at the era of the decline of the Dharma, people's defilements are heavy, emotions shift, and they only care about serving themselves, rarely hearing about observing the situation for the sake of the Dharma (佛法).
國王大臣也。脫或唯居蘭若。不履朝門。誰強召呼。誰分著定。則何班位之有。然以但思獨善。專事杜多。則王侯何以委知。大力曷能扶翼。故須分其表位廁其班行。去取二情各有意致。昔者教之東演也。漢魏之世或曰渺茫。晉宋以來頗聞烜赫。若其玄玄之道老氏之風。于漢魏時。存亡而已。何其知邪。如馬遷作史。將老子與韓非共傳。可非漢代未崇重之乎。夫立傳同科。權其趣類相齊。則史官列而偶出也。是知伯陽之道前漢未光。東漢桓帝方遣中官。醮祀祈福。魏黃初三年。下敕曰。告豫州刺史。老聃賢人未宜先孔子。不知魯郡為孔子立廟成未。漢桓帝不師聖法。正以嬖臣而事老子。欲以求福。良足笑也。此祠之興由桓帝也。武皇帝以老子賢人不毀其道。朕亦以此亭當路。往來者輒往瞻視。而樓屋傾頓儻能壓人。故令修整。昨過視之。殊整頓矣。恐小人謂此為神。妄往禱祀犯乎常禁。宜宣告吏民咸使聞知。由是觀之。漢魏之間。未露鋒穎至唐有羊角之現。厥道攸興。認作祖宗。冊為帝號。此君謂為雄。誰敢不雄。若史遷在唐作傳。必改為帝紀也。以仲尼同傳猶謂鴻毛不敵鈞石也。豈得韓非妄參廁邪。漢魏之人覽馬史者。豈驚駭乎。驚駭不倫者。近世之情也。然則物隨黨別。事逐時移。預三恪者。不免舊訛。有萬邦者
。豈無新意。朱梁革命。敕改亳州太清宮。為老子廟。蓋由帝代無定愛憎不同。釋氏雖西來客教。自晉宋齊梁陳後魏北齊後周大隋。僧班皆在黃冠之上。梁武舍道不齒玄門。黃冠之徒固難爭長。唐貞觀十一年。駕幸洛陽。道士先有與僧論者。聞之於太宗。乃下詔曰。今鼎祚克昌。既憑上德之慶。天下大定。亦賴無為之功。宜有解張闡茲玄化。自今以後齋供行立。至於稱謂。道士女冠可在僧尼之上。庶敦反本之俗。暢於九有。貽諸萬葉。時京邑智寶上表陳諫不聽。自此僧班在下矣。至十五年。帝幸弘福寺。賜大德五人座曰。朕宗李在先。大德大應恨恨。以宗先故。朕見修功德。不曾別造道觀。皆崇寺宇也。如此宣慰。諸僧心皆喜躍。及高宗朝。有直東臺舍人憑神德上表。請仍舊僧尼在道士前。並依前不拜父母。辭繁不錄。則天天授二年四月。詔令釋教在道門之上。僧尼處道士女冠之前。睿宗景雲元年二月。詔以釋典玄宗理均跡異。拯人救俗。教別功齊。自今每緣法事集會。僧尼道士女冠宜行並集(此不分前後齊行東西也)。
論曰。周武輕棄我教。若錙銖爾。嘗御正殿。量述三教。以儒居先。佛教居后。道教最上。由出於無名之前也。近見沈公著聱書云。唯聞二教。不聞釋氏。此皆侮聖人一言為阿鼻之種也。故拓
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本：難道就沒有新的想法嗎？朱溫篡唐，改朝換代，下令將亳州太清宮改為老子廟。這是因為帝王更替，喜好憎惡各不相同。佛教雖然是來自西方的外來宗教，但自晉、宋、齊、梁、陳、後魏、北齊、後周、大隋以來，僧侶的地位都在道士之上。梁武帝尊佛抑道，不屑於玄門，道士們自然難以爭高下。唐貞觀十一年，唐太宗駕臨洛陽，有道士先前與僧人爭論，將此事稟告太宗。於是太宗下詔說：『如今國家昌盛，憑藉的是上天的恩德，天下安定，也依賴於無為的功勞。應該有人弘揚闡述玄妙的教化。自今以後，齋供行禮，乃至稱謂，道士女冠可在僧尼之上。以此來敦厚返本歸真的風俗，使之暢行於天下九州，流傳於萬代。』當時京城的智寶法師上表勸諫，太宗沒有聽從。從此僧侶的地位就降低了。到貞觀十五年，太宗駕臨弘福寺，賜給五位大德高僧座位，說：『朕的祖先是老子李耳，大德們不必介意。』因為朕尊崇祖先的緣故，朕見到修建功德，不曾另外建造道觀，都是崇奉寺廟啊。』如此安撫，眾僧心中都歡喜踴躍。到了高宗朝，有直東臺舍人憑藉神靈的旨意上表，請求恢復舊制，讓僧尼在道士之前，並且依舊不拜父母。奏章內容繁瑣，不在此記錄。到了天授二年四月，詔令佛教在道教之上，僧尼在道士女冠之前。睿宗景雲元年二月，詔令認為佛教經典和道教玄理，雖然途徑不同，但拯救世人和移風易俗的功用是一樣的。自今以後，每逢法事活動，僧尼道士女冠應該一同參加（不分前後，東西並列）。 評論說：周武帝輕視拋棄佛教，就像對待極少的錢財一樣。曾經在正殿上，衡量評述儒、佛、道三教，認為儒教居先，佛教居后，道教最上，因為道教出自於『無名』之前。最近看到沈公著的《聱書》中說：『只聽說過儒、道二教，沒聽說過佛教。』這些都是侮辱聖人的一句話，會種下墮入阿鼻地獄的種子。所以拓
【English Translation】 English version: Could there be no new ideas? Zhu Wen usurped the Tang dynasty, changed the dynasty, and ordered the Taiqing Palace (Taoist temple) in Bozhou to be changed into the Laozi Temple (Temple dedicated to Laozi, the founder of Taoism). This is because the emperors change, and their likes and dislikes are different. Although Buddhism is a foreign religion from the West, since the Jin, Song, Qi, Liang, Chen, Later Wei, Northern Qi, Later Zhou, and Great Sui dynasties, the status of monks has been above that of Taoists. Emperor Wu of Liang honored Buddhism and suppressed Taoism, disdaining the Xuanmen (Taoist school), so it was naturally difficult for Taoists to compete for superiority. In the eleventh year of Zhenguan (reign title of Emperor Taizong of Tang Dynasty), Emperor Taizong visited Luoyang, and a Taoist who had previously argued with a monk reported the matter to Emperor Taizong. So Emperor Taizong issued an edict saying: 'Now that the country is prosperous, it is due to the grace of Heaven, and the stability of the world also depends on the merits of Wuwei (non-action, a Taoist principle). There should be people who promote and expound the profound teachings. From now on, in fasting and offering ceremonies, and even in titles, Taoists and female Taoists may be above monks and nuns. In order to promote the custom of returning to the origin and truth, so that it can be popular throughout the world, and passed on to future generations.' At that time, the Dharma Master Zhibao in the capital submitted a memorial to advise against it, but Emperor Taizong did not listen. From then on, the status of monks was lowered. In the fifteenth year of Zhenguan, Emperor Taizong visited Hongfu Temple (Buddhist temple) and gave seats to five eminent monks, saying: 'My ancestor is Laozi Li Er, and the great virtues should not mind.' Because I respect my ancestors, when I see the construction of meritorious deeds, I have never built Taoist temples separately, but all worship temples.' With such comfort, the monks were all happy and excited. During the reign of Emperor Gaozong, a servant of the Dongtai (department of the imperial government) submitted a memorial based on the will of the gods, requesting to restore the old system, so that monks and nuns would be in front of Taoists, and still not worship their parents. The content of the memorial is complicated and will not be recorded here. In April of the second year of Tianshou (reign title of Empress Wu Zetian), an edict ordered that Buddhism be above Taoism, and monks and nuns be in front of Taoists and female Taoists. In February of the first year of Jingyun (reign title of Emperor Ruizong), an edict stated that although the Buddhist scriptures and the Taoist mysteries have different paths, their functions of saving the world and changing customs are the same. From now on, whenever there are Dharma events, monks, nuns, Taoists, and female Taoists should participate together (without distinction of front and back, side by side from east to west). The commentary says: Emperor Wu of Zhou despised and abandoned Buddhism, as if treating very little money. He once measured and commented on Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism in the main hall, believing that Confucianism came first, Buddhism came last, and Taoism was the highest, because Taoism originated before 'Wu Ming' (no name). Recently, I saw in Shen Gongzhuo's 'Aoshu' that: 'I have only heard of Confucianism and Taoism, but not Buddhism.' These are all insults to the words of the saints, and will sow the seeds of falling into Avici Hell (the lowest level of hell). Therefore, Tuo
跋虎入冥。具見周武受對。並寄言隋天子。為我拔苦。文帝乃募天下出錢。營福以救薦之。且如佛無我。所遭傷毀而無報復。蓋以將欲殘害於彼。必先燒熱於心。心為苦因。身嬰惡報。自作自受。可不畏乎。昔坑孝緒著七錄中。以佛教為外篇。一戒律。二禪定。三智慧。四疑似。五論記。因目佛理為方外之篇。號方外教。自孝緒始也。所言方外者。同莊老也。域中之教拘縶所不及也。請以智眼照其淺深。則內外上下自區別矣。如無智眼。以玉石俱焚。薰蕕共器。知復奈何。緬思後周摧滅遇隋復興。方謂熾然。尋又微矣。唐宗老氏。釋教逶遲。或抑拜君親。或分班上下。良以有為之法何免四相遷移。譬如火焉。火中寒暑乃退。興久必替。替極還興。興替相尋。未始有極。景雲中。令僧班在西。道班在東。齊行並進。朱梁之世。又移厥位。今大宋每當朝集。僧先道后。並立殿廷。僧東道西。間雜副職。若遇郊天。則道左僧右。未知始起也。
內道場
內道場起於後魏。而得名在乎隋朝何邪。煬帝以我為古。變革事多。改僧寺為道場。改道觀為方壇。若內中僧事。則謂之內道場也。今朝茲福等殿安佛像經藏。立剎聲鐘。呼為內寺是也。魏大武皇帝始光二年。立至神道場。神䴥四年。敕州鎮悉立道場。蓋帝王生此
日也(尋文。是生日權建法會耳)後天元大成元年春正月。詔曰。隆建玄風。三寶尊重。宜修闡法化。廣理可歸崇。其舊沙門中德行清高者七人。在政武殿西。安置行道。此內道場之始也。南朝或以尼在內中持課。又壽光殿中群僧法集。或充學士。或號講員。或註解經文。或敷揚禪要。凡存禁中並內道場也。唐則天令大德僧法處一慧儼行感宣政等在內道場唸誦。以薜懷義參雜其間。則天又于洛京大內建內道場。中宗睿宗此制無改。代宗初喜祠祀。未重釋氏。而宰臣元載杜鴻漸王縉皆歸向佛僧(王縉造寶應寺)代宗嘗問福業報應事。元載因而啟奏。由是信之過甚。常令僧百餘人于宮中陳佛像經教唸誦。謂之內道場。供養甚貴。出入乘廄馬。度支具廩給。每西蕃入𡨥。必令群僧講誦仁王經。以攘𡨥虜。幸其退則加其錫賚。不空三藏官至卿監封國公。通籍禁中。又詔天下官吏。不得棰拽僧尼。又七月望日。于內道場造于蘭盆。飾以金翠。設高祖七廟神座。各書神號識之迎。出內陳于寺觀。引道繁盛。歲以為常。至建中中。德宗敕廣德永泰以來。聚僧于禁中。嚴設道場。並令徹去。遣出僧眾云。順宗朝以端甫掌內殿法儀。亦是此任。憲宗穆宗文宗並端甫掌內殿法事也。文宗大和九年四月二十六日。敕停內長生殿道場。武宗初年
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 日也（尋文，這是生日權建法會而已）。後天元大成元年春正月，皇帝下詔說：『要隆盛地建立玄風，使佛法僧三寶得到尊重。應該弘揚佛法教化，廣泛地治理可以歸依的事務。』於是將舊沙門中德行清高的人選出七人，在政武殿西安置，讓他們修行佛道。這就是內道場的開始。南朝有時讓尼姑在宮中誦經。又在壽光殿中聚集僧人進行佛事活動，有的充當學士，有的稱為講員，有的註解經文，有的宣揚禪宗要義。凡是存在於宮禁之中的都稱為內道場。唐朝武則天命令大德僧法處一、慧儼、行感、宣政等人在內道場唸誦經文，讓薛懷義也參與其中。武則天又在洛陽大興土木，建造內道場。中宗、睿宗對此制度沒有改變。代宗起初喜歡祭祀，不重視佛教，但宰相元載、杜鴻漸、王縉都歸向佛僧（王縉建造了寶應寺）。代宗曾經詢問關於福業報應的事情，元載因此進奏，皇帝由此深信不疑，常常讓一百多名僧人在宮中陳列佛像、講解經教、唸誦經文，稱之為內道場，供給非常豐厚，僧人出入乘坐御用馬匹，由戶部提供供給。每當西蕃入侵，必定讓僧人講誦《仁王經》，用來抵禦外敵。如果敵人退兵，就加倍賞賜僧人。不空三藏官至卿監，被封為國公，可以自由出入宮禁。又下詔天下官吏，不得鞭打僧尼。又在七月十五日，于內道場建造盂蘭盆，用金銀珠寶裝飾，設定高祖七廟的神座，各自寫上神號來識別，迎請出來陳列在寺觀中，引導的隊伍非常盛大，每年都這樣做。到了建中時期，德宗下令將廣德、永泰以來聚集在宮中的僧人，以及嚴設的道場全部撤去，遣散僧眾。順宗朝時，由端甫掌管內殿的法事儀式，也是這個職務。憲宗、穆宗、文宗都由端甫掌管內殿的法事。文宗大和九年四月二十六日，下令停止內長生殿道場。武宗初年。
【English Translation】 English version: 『Ri Ye』 (Searching the texts, this is merely the birthday Quan Jian Dharma Assembly). In the first month of spring, the first year of the Datian Yuan Dacheng era, the Emperor decreed: 『We should vigorously establish the profound teachings, and the Triple Gem (Buddha, Dharma, Sangha) should be respected. We should promote the Dharma and its teachings, and broadly manage affairs to which people can return and revere.』 Therefore, seven monks of high virtue and pure conduct were selected from the old monastic community and placed in the west of the Zhengwu Hall to practice the Dharma. This was the beginning of the Inner Dharma Hall (Nei Daochang). During the Southern Dynasties, nuns were sometimes allowed to recite scriptures in the palace. Furthermore, monks gathered in the Shougong Hall for Buddhist activities, some serving as scholars, some as lecturers, some annotating scriptures, and some expounding the essentials of Chan (Zen). All that existed within the palace was called the Inner Dharma Hall. During the Tang Dynasty, Empress Wu Zetian ordered the eminent monks Fachuyi, Huiyan, Xinggan, Xuanzheng, and others to recite scriptures in the Inner Dharma Hall, with Xue Huaiyi also participating. Wu Zetian also built a grand Inner Dharma Hall in Luoyang. Emperors Zhongzong and Ruizong did not change this system. Emperor Daizong initially favored sacrifices and did not value Buddhism, but the chancellors Yuan Zai, Du Hongjian, and Wang Jin all turned to Buddhist monks (Wang Jin built the Baoying Temple). Emperor Daizong once inquired about the matters of karmic rewards, and Yuan Zai therefore made a memorial, leading the Emperor to believe excessively. He often had over a hundred monks display Buddha images, explain scriptures, and recite scriptures in the palace, calling it the Inner Dharma Hall, with very generous provisions. The monks traveled on imperial horses, and the Ministry of Revenue provided supplies. Whenever the Western Barbarians invaded, monks were always ordered to recite the 『Renwang Jing』 (Sutra of Humane Kings) to resist the enemy. If the enemy retreated, the monks were rewarded generously. The Tripitaka master Bukong was appointed to the rank of minister and granted the title of Duke of the State, with free access to the palace. Furthermore, an edict was issued that officials throughout the empire should not whip monks or nuns. Also, on the fifteenth day of the seventh month, the Ullambana Festival was held in the Inner Dharma Hall, decorated with gold and jade, and the spirit tablets of the seven ancestors of Emperor Gaozu were set up, each with its divine title written on it for identification. They were brought out and displayed in temples and monasteries, with a grand procession, and this was done every year. By the Jianzhong era, Emperor Dezong ordered the removal of all the monks gathered in the palace since the Guangde and Yongtai eras, as well as the strictly established Dharma Hall, and the monks were sent away. During the reign of Emperor Shunzong, Duanfu was in charge of the Dharma rituals in the inner palace, which was also this position. Emperors Xianzong, Muzong, and Wenzong all had Duanfu in charge of the Dharma affairs in the inner palace. On the twenty-sixth day of the fourth month of the ninth year of the Dazhong era of Emperor Wenzong, an edict was issued to discontinue the Inner Longevity Hall Dharma Hall. In the early years of Emperor Wuzong.
。以生日德陽節。卻置內長生殿道場。及設內齋。僧道獻壽。后與道士趙歸真惑亂。切齒求僧之過。至會昌四年。詔停內齋及內道場。惡意萌於此矣。
生日道場附
生日為節名。自唐玄宗始也。魏太武帝始光二年立道場。至神䴥四年。敕州鎮悉立道場。慶帝生日。始光中是帝自崇福之始也。神䴥中是臣下奉祝帝壽之始也。自爾以來。臣下吉祝必營齋轉經。謂之生辰節道場。於今盛行焉。
僧籍弛張
夫得果之人且無限劑。出家之士豈有司存。既來文物之朝。須設紏繩之任。其有見優閑而競入懼徭役以奔來。輒爾冒名實非高士。僧之內律豈能御其風牛佚馬邪。故設僧局以綰之。立名籍以紀之。周隋之世。無得而知。唐來主張方聞附麗。文宗大和四年正月。祠部請天下僧尼冒名非正度者。具名申省。各給省牒。以憑入籍時入申名者。計七十萬。造帳入籍。自大和五年始也。若然者。前豈無籍帳邪。監福曹昭玄寺崇玄署。將何統斷僧務乎。對曰。勘造僧帳。體度不同。或逐寺總知。或隨州別錄。或單名轉數。或納牒改添。故不同也。然則出時君之好惡。乃入籍之解張。今大宋用周顯德條貫。三年一造。著于律令也。
大宋僧史略卷中 大正藏第 54 冊 No. 2126 大宋僧史略
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本：在生日那天，德陽節（唐玄宗的生日）設立。卻在內廷長生殿設定道場，以及舉辦內齋。僧人和道士進獻祝壽。後來（唐玄宗）與道士趙歸真相互迷惑，對僧人的過錯切齒痛恨。到會昌四年（唐武宗年號），下詔停止內齋以及內道場。對佛教的惡意就萌芽於此。
生日道場附註：
生日作為節日名稱，是從唐玄宗開始的。魏太武帝始光二年設立道場。到神䴥四年，敕令各州鎮全部設立道場，慶祝皇帝生日。始光年間是皇帝自己崇尚福事的開始。神䴥年間是臣下奉祝皇帝壽辰的開始。自那以後，臣下吉祥的祝願必定要營辦齋戒、轉讀經書，稱之為生辰節道場。如今非常盛行。
僧籍的鬆弛與收緊：
證得果位的人尚且沒有限制，出家為僧的人難道要由官府來管理嗎？既然來到了講究文物制度的朝代，就必須設立糾察整頓的職責。那些看到清閑就爭相進入佛門，害怕徭役就奔向寺廟的人，往往是冒名頂替，並非真正的高士。僧團內部的戒律又怎麼能約束他們這些放縱不羈的人呢？所以設立僧局來管理他們，建立名籍來記錄他們。周朝和隋朝的時候，無從得知這些情況。到了唐朝才開始主張登記附麗。唐文宗大和四年正月，祠部請求將天下僧尼冒名頂替、並非正式出家的人，具名上報到省里，各自發給省牒，作為入籍的憑證。當時上報姓名的人，總計七十萬。建立賬簿進行登記，從大和五年開始。如果這樣的話，之前難道沒有籍帳嗎？監福曹、昭玄寺、崇玄署，又將如何統管僧務呢？回答說：勘查製造僧帳，體制和尺度各不相同。有的按照寺院統一登記，有的按照州郡分別記錄，有的只登記姓名和轉籍次數，有的繳納度牒后更改新增。所以各不相同。既然這樣，那麼（僧籍的）鬆弛與收緊取決於當時君主的喜好。如今大宋沿用周世宗顯德年間的條貫，三年造一次籍，並寫入律令之中。
【English Translation】 English version: On his birthday, the Deyang Festival (Emperor Xuanzong of Tang's birthday) was established. A Taoist ritual site was set up in the Changsheng Hall of the inner court, along with the holding of inner fasts. Monks and Taoists offered birthday wishes. Later, (Emperor Xuanzong) was confused by the Taoist Zhao Guizhen and gnashed his teeth in hatred of the monks' faults. By the fourth year of Huichang (Emperor Wuzong of Tang's reign), an edict was issued to stop the inner fasts and inner Taoist ritual sites. The malice towards Buddhism germinated from this.
Appendix on Birthday Ritual Sites:
The birthday as a festival name began with Emperor Xuanzong of Tang. Emperor Taiwu of Wei established Taoist ritual sites in the second year of Shiguang. By the fourth year of Shenrui, an imperial order was issued to all prefectures and towns to establish Taoist ritual sites to celebrate the emperor's birthday. The Shiguang period was the beginning of the emperor himself advocating auspicious events. The Shenrui period was the beginning of the ministers offering birthday congratulations to the emperor. Since then, auspicious wishes from ministers have always involved organizing fasts and reciting scriptures, which is called the Birthday Festival Ritual Site. It is very popular today.
Relaxation and Tightening of Monastic Registration:
Those who have attained fruition are limitless, so how can those who have left home be managed by the government? Since we have arrived in a dynasty that values culture and institutions, we must establish the responsibility of investigation and rectification. Those who see leisure and rush to enter the Buddhist order, and those who fear corvée labor and flee to temples, are often imposters and not true noble people. How can the internal precepts of the monastic community restrain these unruly people? Therefore, a monastic affairs bureau was established to manage them, and a register was established to record them. During the Zhou and Sui dynasties, there is no way to know about these matters. It was not until the Tang dynasty that the registration system began to be advocated. In the first month of the fourth year of the Dazhong era of Emperor Wenzong of Tang, the Ministry of Rites requested that all monks and nuns in the country who were impersonating and not officially ordained should have their names reported to the province, and each should be issued a provincial certificate as proof of registration. At that time, a total of 700,000 people reported their names. Registers were created for registration, starting from the fifth year of the Dazhong era. If so, were there no registers before? How would the Jianfu Cao, Zhaoxuan Temple, and Chongxuan Office have managed monastic affairs? The answer is: The examination and creation of monastic registers varied in system and scale. Some were registered uniformly by temple, some were recorded separately by prefecture, some only recorded names and the number of transfers, and some were changed and added after paying the ordination certificate. Therefore, they were different. In that case, the relaxation and tightening (of monastic registration) depended on the preferences of the current monarch. Today, the Great Song dynasty uses the regulations of the Xiande era of Emperor Shizong of Zhou, creating a register once every three years and writing it into the law.
大宋僧史略卷下(咸平二年重更修理)
右街僧錄通慧大師贊寧奉 敕撰四十一誕辰談論(內齋附)四十二賜僧紫衣四十三賜師號(德號附)四十四內供奉並引駕四十五封授官秩四十六方等戒壇四十七結社法集四十八賜夏臘四十九對王者稱謂五十臨壇法位五十一度僧規利五十二賜謚號五十三菩薩僧五十四得道證果(尼附)五十五大秦末尼五十六駕頭床子五十七城阇天王五十八上元放燈五十九總論
誕辰談論
昔漢祖與盧綰同日生。有奉酒饌相遺。此為慶生之權輿也。后則束帛壺酒。孩兒服玩。以加祝賀。大則玉帛長生久視之意。屬干物品。以為慶生之豐禮也。及聞佛法中有弭災延命之說。則以佛事為慶也。元魏後周隋世。多召名行廣學僧。與儒道對論。悅視王道。亦慶生之美事矣。唐高宗召賈公彥于御前。與道士沙門講說經義。德宗誕日御麟德殿。命許孟容等。登座與釋老之徒講論。貞元十二年四月誕日。御麟德殿。詔給事中徐岱兵部郎中趙需及許孟容韋渠牟。與道士葛參成沙門談筵等二十人。講論三教。渠牟最辯給。文宗九月誕日。召白居易。與僧惟澄道士趙常盈。于麟德殿談論。居易論難鋒起。辭辯泉注。上疑宿構。深嗟揖之。莊宗代有僧錄慧江。與道門程紫霄談論。互相切磋謔浪
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本
《大宋僧史略》卷下（咸平二年重修）
右街僧錄通慧大師贊寧奉敕撰寫：四十一、誕辰談論（內齋附）；四十二、賜僧紫衣；四十三、賜師號（德號附）；四十四、內供奉並引駕；四十五、封授官秩；四十六、方等戒壇；四十七、結社法集；四十八、賜夏臘；四十九、對王者稱謂；五十、臨壇法位；五十一度僧規利；五十二、賜謚號；五十三、菩薩僧；五十四、得道證果（尼附）；五十五、大秦末尼；五十六、駕頭床子；五十七、城阇天王；五十八、上元放燈；五十九、總論。
誕辰談論
昔日漢高祖與盧綰同日生，有人奉上酒食相贈，這是慶生的開端。後來就用束帛壺酒、孩兒玩具等來祝賀。盛大的則用玉帛等物品，寓意長生久視，作為慶生的豐厚禮物。等到聽聞佛法中有消除災禍、延長壽命的說法，就用佛事來慶生。元魏、後周、隋朝，大多召集名僧大德、廣學之僧，與儒、道兩家對論，以愉悅王道，也是慶生的美事。唐高宗召賈公彥于御前，與道士、沙門講說經義。德宗誕辰之日，在麟德殿，命許孟容等人登座與釋、老之徒講論。貞元十二年四月誕辰之日，在麟德殿，詔令給事中徐岱、兵部郎中趙需及許孟容、韋渠牟，與道士葛參成、沙門談筵等二十人，講論三教。韋渠牟最為善辯。文宗九月誕辰之日，召白居易與僧人惟澄、道士趙常盈，在麟德殿談論。白居易論辯鋒芒畢露，辭藻如泉涌，皇上懷疑他事先構思，深深地讚賞他。莊宗時代有僧錄慧江，與道門程紫霄談論，互相切磋戲謔。
【English Translation】 English version
The Monastic History of the Great Song Dynasty, Scroll Down (Revised in the 2nd Year of Xianping)
Compiled by Zanning, the Great Master Tonghui, the Registrar of the Right Street Monks, under Imperial Order: 41. Discussions on Birthdays (with Internal Vegetarian Feasts); 42. Bestowing Purple Robes to Monks; 43. Bestowing Titles to Teachers (with Virtuous Titles); 44. Internal Offerings and Escorting; 45. Conferring Official Ranks; 46. The Square and Equal Ordination Platform; 47. Dharma Gatherings of Associations; 48. Bestowing Summer Retreat Age; 49. Addressing the King; 50. Dharma Positions at the Altar; 51. Monastic Regulations and Benefits; 52. Bestowing Posthumous Titles; 53. Bodhisattva Monks; 54. Attaining the Path and Realizing Fruition (Nuns Included); 55. Late Qin Dynasty Nuns; 56. Carriage Head Bed; 57. City Gate Heavenly King; 58. Lantern Release on the Lantern Festival; 59. General Discussion.
Discussions on Birthdays
In the past, Emperor Gaozu of Han (Founder of Han Dynasty) and Lu Wan (General and King) were born on the same day. Someone offered wine and food as a gift. This was the beginning of celebrating birthdays. Later, bundles of silk, jars of wine, and children's toys were used for congratulations. On grand occasions, jade and silk were used, symbolizing longevity, as lavish gifts for celebrating birthdays. When the teachings of the Buddha, which spoke of averting disasters and prolonging life, were heard, Buddhist ceremonies were used for celebrations. During the Yuan Wei (Northern Wei Dynasty), Later Zhou (Dynasty), and Sui (Dynasty) periods, renowned and learned monks were often summoned to debate with Confucianists and Taoists to please the king, which was also a fine way to celebrate birthdays. Emperor Gaozong of Tang (Tang Dynasty) summoned Jia Gongyan to the imperial court to explain the scriptures with Taoists and Shramanas (Buddhist monks). On Emperor Dezong's (Tang Dynasty) birthday, he ordered Xu Mengrong and others to ascend the seat in the Linde Hall and discuss with Buddhist and Taoist followers. On the birthday in April of the twelfth year of Zhenyuan (Tang Dynasty), an edict was issued in the Linde Hall, ordering Xu Dai, a secretary of the Chancellery, Zhao Xu, a vice minister of the Ministry of War, as well as Xu Mengrong and Wei Qumou, along with Taoist Ge Sancheng and Shramana Tan Yan, and twenty others, to discuss the three teachings. Wei Qumou was the most eloquent. On Emperor Wenzong's (Tang Dynasty) birthday in September, he summoned Bai Juyi (Famous poet), the monk Wei Cheng, and the Taoist Zhao Changying to discuss in the Linde Hall. Bai Juyi's arguments were sharp, and his words flowed like a spring. The emperor suspected that he had prepared in advance and praised him deeply. During the Zhuangzong (Later Tang Dynasty) era, there was the monastic registrar Huijiang, who discussed with the Taoist Cheng Zixiao, engaging in mutual exchange and jesting.
嘲戲。以悅帝焉。莊宗自好吟唱。雖行營軍中。亦攜法師談贊。或時嘲挫。每誕辰飯僧。則內殿論義明宗。石晉之時。僧錄云辯多於誕日談贊。皇帝親坐累對論議。至大宋太祖朝。天下務繁。乃罷斯務。止重僧講。三學為上。此無乃太厚重而貞實乎。
內齋附
皇帝誕日。詔選高德僧。入內殿賜食加厚嚫。尋文起於後魏之間。多延上達。用徼福壽。唐自代宗。置內道場。每年降聖節召名僧。入飯嚫。謂之內齋。及文宗大和七年十月。改慶成節。敕停僧道內齋。至武宗初年。重置內道場。並設內齋。僧道獻壽。會昌四年六月。停內齋及內長生道場。宣宗即位元年六月二十二日。敕復置內齋。許僧道獻壽。梁祖開平三年大明節日。帝御文明殿。設僧齋。宰臣翰林學士預之。我大宋皇帝誕節。兩街僧錄道錄首座並公薦兩街分僧賜紫衣師號。了便同賜齋。又聞晉漢周帝生日。設百僧后量滅令數人而已。
賜僧紫衣
古之所貴名與器焉。賜人服章。極則朱紫。綠皂黃綬乃為降次。故曰加紫綬。必得金章。令僧但受其紫而不金也(方袍非綬)尋諸史。僧衣赤黃黑青等色。不聞朱紫。案唐書。則天朝有僧法朗等。重譯大云經。陳符命言。則天是彌勒下生為閻浮提主。唐氏合微。故由之革薜稱周(新大云經曰
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 戲弄取樂。以此取悅皇帝。莊宗皇帝喜愛吟唱。即使在行軍打仗的軍營中，也帶著法師談論贊頌。有時也嘲諷戲弄他們。每逢誕辰日宴請僧人，就在內殿討論佛法義理。明宗皇帝和石晉時期，僧錄云辯常常在皇帝誕辰日談論贊頌，皇帝親自參與辯論。到了宋太祖時期，天下政務繁忙，於是停止了這些活動，只重視僧人講經，以三學為上。這難道不是太厚重而貞實了嗎？ 內齋附註： 皇帝誕辰日，詔令挑選高僧，進入內殿賜予食物並加厚賞賜。這種做法起源於後魏時期，多是希望上達天聽，以求得福壽。唐朝自代宗皇帝開始，設定內道場。每年在聖節（皇帝誕辰）召集名僧，進入內殿賜予食物和賞賜，稱為『內齋』。到了文宗大和七年十月，改慶成節，下令停止僧道內齋。到武宗初年，重新設定內道場，並設立內齋，僧道進獻祝壽。會昌四年六月，停止內齋及內長生道場。宣宗即位元年六月二十二日，下令恢復內齋，允許僧道進獻祝壽。梁太祖開平三年大明節日，皇帝在文明殿設僧齋，宰相和翰林學士也參與其中。我大宋皇帝誕辰日，兩街僧錄（僧官）和道錄（道官）的首座共同推薦兩街的僧人，賜予紫衣師號，然後一同賜予齋飯。又聽說晉、漢、周各朝皇帝生日，設定百僧齋，後來減少到只有幾個人。 賜予僧人紫衣： 古代所看重的是名位和器物。賞賜給人的服裝，最高等級是硃色和紫色。綠色、黑色、黃色等只能算是降一等的。所以說加紫綬，必定要得到金章。而現在只是讓僧人接受紫衣，而不授予金章（僧人的方袍不是綬帶）。查閱史書，僧人的衣服有赤色、黃色、黑色、青色等顏色，沒有聽說過硃色和紫色的。根據《唐書》記載，則天朝有僧人法朗等人，重新翻譯《大云經》（Mahamegha Sutra），陳述符命說，則天是彌勒（Maitreya）下生，是閻浮提（Jambudvipa，指我們所居住的這個世界）之主。唐朝氣數已盡，所以由此變革，改國號為周（新的《大云經》說……）
【English Translation】 English version: Mocking and jesting, to please the emperor. Emperor Zhuangzong enjoyed chanting. Even in the military camps during campaigns, he would bring along Dharma masters to discuss and praise. Sometimes he would also mock and tease them. On every birthday, he would host monks for meals, discussing Buddhist doctrines in the inner palace. During the reigns of Emperor Mingzong and the Shi Jin dynasty, the Sangharakshita (monk registrar) Yun Bian often discussed and praised on the emperor's birthday, with the emperor personally participating in the debates. By the time of Emperor Taizu of the Great Song dynasty, state affairs were busy, so these activities were stopped, and only the monks' sutra lectures were valued, with the Three Learnings (Trisiksa) being paramount. Was this not too substantial and truthful? Appendix on Inner Vegetarian Feast: On the emperor's birthday, an edict was issued to select monks of high virtue to enter the inner palace, where they were given food and generous offerings. This practice originated in the Later Wei dynasty, mostly hoping to reach the ears of heaven in order to seek blessings and longevity. From Emperor Daizong of the Tang dynasty onwards, an inner Dharma assembly (inner sanctuary) was established. Every year on the Sacred Festival (emperor's birthday), famous monks were summoned to enter and receive food and offerings, which was called 'Inner Vegetarian Feast'. By the seventh year of the Dahe era of Emperor Wenzong, in October, the Qingcheng Festival was changed, and an order was issued to stop the inner vegetarian feasts for monks and Daoists. At the beginning of Emperor Wuzong's reign, the inner Dharma assembly was re-established, and inner vegetarian feasts were set up, with monks and Daoists offering birthday wishes. In June of the fourth year of the Huichang era, the inner vegetarian feasts and the inner longevity Daoist assembly were stopped. On the twenty-second day of the sixth month of the first year of Emperor Xuanzong's reign, an edict was issued to restore the inner vegetarian feasts, allowing monks and Daoists to offer birthday wishes. In the third year of the Kaiping era of Emperor Liang Taizu, on the Daming Festival, the emperor held a vegetarian feast for monks in the Wenming Hall, with the prime ministers and Hanlin academicians also participating. On the birthday of our Great Song emperor, the chief monks and Daoist registrars of the two streets jointly recommended monks from the two streets, granting them the title of Purple-robed Master, and then giving them vegetarian meals together. It was also heard that the emperors of the Jin, Han, and Zhou dynasties set up a hundred-monk feast on their birthdays, but later reduced it to only a few people. Bestowing Purple Robes on Monks: In ancient times, what was valued was fame and objects. The highest rank of clothing bestowed upon people was crimson and purple. Green, black, and yellow were considered lower ranks. Therefore, it was said that to add a purple ribbon, one must obtain a golden seal. But now, monks are only allowed to receive the purple robe without being granted a golden seal (the monk's square robe is not a ribbon). Examining the historical records, monks' robes were of colors such as red, yellow, black, and blue, but there is no mention of crimson and purple. According to the Book of Tang, during the reign of Empress Wu Zetian, there were monks such as Fa Lang who re-translated the Mahamegha Sutra, stating that Zetian was the reincarnation of Maitreya, the lord of Jambudvipa (the world we live in). The Tang dynasty's fate was exhausted, so it was transformed, and the country's name was changed to Zhou (the new Mahamegha Sutra says...)
。終後生彌勒宮。不言則天是彌勒)法朗薜懷義九人並封縣公。賜物有差。皆賜紫袈裟銀龜袋。其大云經頒于天下寺。各藏一本。令高座講說。賜紫自此始也。觀新唐書言。大云是偽經則非也。此經晉朝已譯舊本便云女王。於時豈有天后耶。蓋因重譯故。有厚誣加。以挾薜懷義。在其間致招譏誚也。則天之後中宗朝。以胡僧慧范修寺之功封縣公。不行紫服。睿宗時亦無聞焉。玄宗友愛頗至。以寧王疾遣中使尚藥。馳騖旁午唯僧崇憲醫效。帝悅賜緋袍魚袋(賜緋魚袋唯憲一人)又開元二十年九月中。波斯王遣大德僧及烈至唐(及烈僧名)敕賜紫袈裟一副帛五十匹。遣還本國。天寶末。沙門道平住金城縣寺。遇祿山逆亂。玄宗幸蜀。肅宗過寺。平懇勸論兵靈武。收復長安。肅宗遂以兵屬之。用為左金吾大將軍。至臨皋遇賊大戰。累次立功。后還乞為僧。敕配崇福興慶兩寺。賜紫衣入內。奏對為常。代宗永泰年中。章敬寺僧崇慧與道士角術。告勝中官鞏庭玉。宣賜紫衣一副(除魚袋也)次鎮國寺梵僧紀陀。年六百歲。臨終遣弟子。奉衣缽上皇帝。敕賜紫衣焉。德宗歸心釋氏。詔法師端甫。入內殿與儒道論義。賜紫方袍。順宗憲宗穆宗文宗武宗皆行此賜(尋僧名。未見耳)。東觀奏記曰。大中中。大安國寺釋修會能詩。嘗應制
。才思清拔。一日聞帝乞紫衣。帝曰。不于汝吝耶。觀若相有缺然。故未賜也。及賜歸寺。暴疾而卒。大中四年六月二十二日降誕節。內殿禪大德並賜紫。追福院主宗茞亦賜紫。次有沙州巡禮僧悟真至京。及大德玄暢句當藏經。各賜紫。又法干寺都撿挍僧從暕賜紫。帝幸莊嚴寺禮佛牙。靈慧律師賜紫。崇福寺睿川賜紫。懿宗咸通四年。有西涼府僧法信。進百法論疏抄。勘實賜紫。十一年十一月十四日延慶節。兩街僧道赴內。于麟德殿講論。可孚賜紫。又日本國僧圓載住西明寺。辭回本國。賜紫遣還。十二年延慶節。內殿講論。左街清韻思禮云卿等五人。右街幼章慧暉清遠等四人。並賜紫(尋街分。各賜紫衣。自咸通始也)僖宗昭宗賜諸道所薦僧紫衣極多不錄。梁祖乾化元年十一月。有回紇入朝僧凝盧宜李思宜延篯等。各賜紫還蕃。又潭州僧法思。桂州僧歸真。面乞賜紫。莊宗喜賜僧紫衣。晉漢周皆爾。今大宋唯誕節賜也。其或內道場僧已著紫。又賜紫羅衣三事。謂之重賜。若偏霸諸國。賜與亦同。偽蜀時。雲南國遣內供奉崇聖寺主。賜紫銀缽。僧充通好使焉。后蠻士有上者賜金缽。猶中國賜銀魚也。倭國則賜僧傳燈法師之號。高麗賜僧紫衣。則以金銀鉤施於紉上。甄別高下也。
賜師號
師號謂賜某大師
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 他才思敏捷，清秀挺拔。一天，他聽說皇帝賞賜紫衣，便去請求。皇帝說：『朕並非吝嗇不給你，只是看你的面相有所缺陷，所以沒有賜予。』等到賜予后回到寺廟，他突然得了急病去世。大中四年六月二十二日是降誕節，內殿禪宗大德們都被賜予紫衣，追福院的住持宗茞也被賜予紫衣。之後有沙州巡禮僧人悟真來到京城，以及大德玄暢負責校對藏經，都被各自賜予紫衣。還有法干寺的都撿挍僧人從暕被賜予紫衣。皇帝駕臨莊嚴寺禮拜佛牙，靈慧律師被賜予紫衣，崇福寺的睿川被賜予紫衣。懿宗咸通四年，有西涼府的僧人法信，進獻《百法論疏抄》，經過覈實后被賜予紫衣。咸通十一年十一月十四日是延慶節，兩街的僧人和道士前往內廷，在麟德殿講論，可孚被賜予紫衣。又有日本國的僧人圓載住在西明寺，告辭返回本國，被賜予紫衣遣送回國。咸通十二年延慶節，內殿講論，左街的清韻、思禮、云卿等五人，右街的幼章、慧暉、清遠等四人，都被賜予紫衣（後來分街，各自賜予紫衣，從咸通年間開始）。僖宗、昭宗賞賜給各道所推薦的僧人紫衣非常多，這裡不記錄了。梁祖乾化元年十一月，有回鶻入朝的僧人凝盧宜、李思宜、延篯等，各自被賜予紫衣返回蕃地。又有潭州的僧人法思，桂州的僧人歸真，當面請求賞賜紫衣。莊宗喜歡賞賜僧人紫衣，晉、漢、周各朝都是如此。如今大宋只有在誕節才賞賜。如果內道場的僧人已經穿著紫衣，又賞賜紫羅衣三件，這叫做重賜。如果是偏霸的諸國，賞賜也相同。偽蜀時期，雲南國派遣內供奉崇聖寺的住持，賜予紫衣銀缽，僧人充當通好使者。後來蠻族人士有進貢的，賞賜金缽，就像中國賞賜銀魚一樣。倭國則賞賜僧人『傳燈法師』的稱號。高麗賞賜僧人紫衣，則用金銀鉤施於紉上，以此甄別高下。
賜予師號
師號是指賞賜某某大師。
【English Translation】 English version: He possessed quick and clear thinking. One day, he heard that the Emperor was bestowing purple robes and requested one. The Emperor said, 'It is not that I am reluctant to grant it to you, but I see a flaw in your countenance, and therefore have not yet bestowed it.' After being granted the robe and returning to the temple, he suddenly fell ill and died. On the twenty-second day of the sixth month of the fourth year of the Dazhong era, the Emperor's birthday, the Chan (Zen) masters in the inner palace were all granted purple robes, and the abbot of Zhuifu Temple, Zong Chi (宗茞), was also granted a purple robe. Later, the monk Wu Zhen (悟真) from Shazhou, who was on a pilgrimage, arrived in the capital, and the great master Xuan Chang (玄暢), who was in charge of collating the scriptures, were each granted purple robes. Furthermore, the supervising monk of Fagan Temple, Cong Jian (從暕), was granted a purple robe. The Emperor visited Zhuangyan Temple to worship the Buddha's tooth, and the Vinaya master Ling Hui (靈慧) was granted a purple robe, as was Rui Chuan (睿川) of Chongfu Temple. In the fourth year of the Xiantong era of Emperor Yizong, the monk Fa Xin (法信) from Xiliang Prefecture presented a commentary on the 'Treatise on the Hundred Dharmas' (百法論), and after verification, he was granted a purple robe. On the fourteenth day of the eleventh month of the eleventh year of Xiantong, the Yanqing Festival, monks and Taoists from both streets went to the inner court and lectured in Linde Hall. Ke Fu (可孚) was granted a purple robe. Also, the Japanese monk Yuan Zai (圓載), who resided in Ximing Temple, bid farewell to return to his country and was granted a purple robe and sent back. In the twelfth year of Xiantong, during the Yanqing Festival, lectures were held in the inner palace. Qing Yun (清韻), Si Li (思禮), Yun Qing (云卿), and two others from the left street, and You Zhang (幼章), Hui Hui (慧暉), Qing Yuan (清遠), and one other from the right street were all granted purple robes (later, the streets were divided, and each was granted purple robes, starting from the Xiantong era). Emperors Xizong and Zhaozong bestowed purple robes on many monks recommended by various provinces, which are not recorded here. In the eleventh month of the first year of Qianhua of Emperor Liangzu, the Uighur monks Ning Lu Yi (凝盧宜), Li Si Yi (李思宜), Yan Jian (延篯), and others who came to the court were each granted purple robes and returned to their homelands. Furthermore, the monk Fa Si (法思) from Tanzhou and the monk Gui Zhen (歸真) from Guizhou personally requested the bestowal of purple robes. Emperor Zhuangzong liked to bestow purple robes on monks, as did the Jin, Han, and Zhou dynasties. Nowadays, the Great Song Dynasty only bestows them during the Emperor's birthday. If a monk in the inner monastery is already wearing a purple robe, and is then bestowed three items of purple silk clothing, this is called a double bestowal. If it is a hegemonic state, the bestowal is the same. During the pseudo-Shu period, the Yunnan Kingdom sent the abbot of Chong Sheng Temple as an inner attendant, bestowing a purple robe and a silver bowl, and the monk served as an envoy of friendship. Later, when barbarian officials made offerings, they were bestowed golden bowls, just as China bestowed silver fish. The Japanese kingdom bestowed the title of 'Dharma Master of Transmission of the Lamp' (傳燈法師) on monks. When Goryeo bestowed purple robes on monks, they used gold and silver hooks on the seams to distinguish rank.
Bestowing the Title of Master
The title of 'Master' refers to bestowing the title of 'So-and-so Great Master'.
也。遠起梁武帝號婁約法師。次隋煬帝號智顗禪師。併爲智者。而無大師二字。唐中宗號萬回為法雲公(加公一字)玄宗開元中。有慧日法師。中宗朝得度師義凈。游西域回進真容梵夾。帝悅賜號慈敏。亦未行大師之字。穆宗朝。天平軍節度使劉總奏乞出家賜紫衣。號大覺師(止師一字)至懿宗咸通十一年十一月十四日延慶節。因談論。左街云顥賜三慧大師。右街僧徹賜凈光大師。可孚法智大師重謙青蓮大師。賜師號懿宗朝始也(分明言某大師。見五運圖)僖宗朝有僧錄云皓大師。昭宗朝有圓明大師。梁革唐命。賜靈武道寅尤等。為證慧大師。賜吳越國徑山洪諲。為法濟大師。至龍德元年。不許僧妄求師號紫衣。後唐晉漢周咸同。今大宋止行師號紫衣。而大德號許僧錄司簡署。先是開寶至太平興國四年以前。許四海僧入殿庭。乞比試三學。下開封府功德使差僧。證經律論義。十條全通賜紫衣。號為手錶僧。以其面手進表也。尋因功德使奏。天下一家不須手錶。求選敕依。自此每遇皇帝誕節。親王宰輔節度使至刺史。得上表薦所知。僧道紫衣師號唯兩街僧錄道錄所薦得入內。是日授門下牒。謂之簾前師號。給紫衣四事。號簾前紫衣。此最為榮觀也。其外王侯薦者。間日方出節制簾問牧守轉降而賜也。
德號附
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 是的。可以追溯到梁武帝時期，他賜號婁約法師。其次是隋煬帝，他賜號智顗禪師。他們都被稱為智者，但沒有『大師』二字。唐中宗賜萬回為法雲公（加『公』一字）。唐玄宗開元年間，有慧日法師，中宗朝時，義凈法師得度，從西域返回，進獻真容梵夾。皇帝很高興，賜號慈敏，也未用『大師』二字。唐穆宗朝，天平軍節度使劉總上奏請求出家，賜紫衣，號大覺師（僅『師』一字）。到唐懿宗咸通十一年十一月十四日延慶節，因為談論佛法，左街云顥被賜三慧大師，右街僧徹被賜凈光大師，可孚法智大師，重謙青蓮大師。賜『大師』的稱號從懿宗朝開始（明確說某大師，見五運圖）。唐僖宗朝有僧錄云皓大師，唐昭宗朝有圓明大師。梁朝取代唐朝後，賜靈武道寅等人為證慧大師，賜吳越國徑山洪諲為法濟大師。到龍德元年，禁止僧人妄求『師號』和紫衣。後唐、晉、漢、周時期都一樣。現在大宋朝只實行『師號』和紫衣，而『大德』的稱號允許僧錄司簡署。此前，從開寶到太平興國四年以前，允許四海僧人進入殿庭，請求比試三學。下令開封府功德使派遣僧人，證明其精通經、律、論的義理，十條全部通過的，賜紫衣，號為手錶僧，因為他們面手進表。不久，因為功德使上奏，認為天下一家，不需要手錶，請求選拔敕依。從此，每逢皇帝誕辰，親王、宰輔、節度使乃至刺史，都可以上表推薦自己所知的人。僧道紫衣師號只有兩街僧錄道錄所推薦的才能進入內廷。當天授予門下牒，稱為簾前師號，給予紫衣四事，號簾前紫衣，這是最為榮耀的。此外，王侯推薦的，要隔日才能傳出，節制簾問牧守轉降而賜予。 德號附
【English Translation】 English version: Yes. It dates back to the Liang Wu Emperor, who bestowed the title Louyue Dharma Master. Next was the Sui Yang Emperor, who bestowed the title Zhiyi Chan Master. They were both called Wise Ones, but without the two characters 'Great Master'. The Tang Zhongzong Emperor bestowed upon Wanhui the title Duke Fayun (adding the character 'Duke'). During the Kaiyuan period of the Tang Xuanzong Emperor, there was Dharma Master Huiri. During the Zhongzong reign, Dharma Master Yijing was ordained, returned from the Western Regions, and presented a true image of the Brahma Sutra. The emperor was pleased and bestowed the title Cimin, but did not use the two characters 'Great Master'. During the Tang Muzong reign, Liu Zong, the military commissioner of Tianping, requested to become a monk, was granted a purple robe, and given the title Great Awakening Teacher (only the character 'Teacher'). By the eleventh year of Xiantong during the Tang Yizong reign, on the fourteenth day of the eleventh month, the Yanqing Festival, due to discussions on the Dharma, Yunhao of the Left Street was granted the title Three Wisdoms Great Master, Sengche of the Right Street was granted the title Pure Light Great Master, Kefu Fazhi Great Master, and Zhongqian Qinglian Great Master. The bestowal of the title 'Great Master' began during the Yizong reign (explicitly stating a certain Great Master, see the Five Fortunes Diagram). During the Tang Xizong reign, there was the monastic registrar Yunhao Great Master, and during the Tang Zhaozong reign, there was Yuanming Great Master. After the Liang Dynasty replaced the Tang Dynasty, Dao Yin of Lingwu and others were granted the title Witnessing Wisdom Great Master, and Hongyin of Jingshan in the Wu-Yue Kingdom was granted the title Dharma Relief Great Master. By the first year of Longde, monks were prohibited from presumptuously seeking the title 'Teacher' and purple robes. The Later Tang, Jin, Han, and Zhou dynasties were the same. Now, the Great Song Dynasty only implements the 'Teacher' title and purple robes, while the title 'Great Virtue' is allowed to be briefly signed by the Monastic Registrar. Prior to this, from the Kaibao period to before the fourth year of the Taiping Xingguo period, monks from all over the world were allowed to enter the palace and request to compete in the Three Studies. The Merit Commissioner of Kaifeng Prefecture was ordered to dispatch monks to prove their proficiency in the doctrines of the Sutras, Vinaya, and Shastras. Those who passed all ten items were granted purple robes and given the title Table-Presenting Monks, because they presented memorials with their faces and hands. Soon after, because the Merit Commissioner reported that the world was one family and did not need Table-Presenting Monks, he requested to select edicts to rely on. From then on, every time the emperor's birthday came, princes, prime ministers, military commissioners, and even prefects could present memorials recommending those they knew. Only those recommended by the Monastic Registrar and Taoist Registrar of the Two Streets could enter the inner court to receive the purple robe and Teacher title for monks and Taoists. On that day, the decree of the Ministry of Affairs was granted, called the Curtain-Front Teacher title, and the four items of the purple robe were given, called the Curtain-Front Purple Robe, which was the most glorious. In addition, those recommended by princes and marquises could only be transmitted after a day, and the control curtain would ask the governors and shepherds to transfer and demote before granting it. Appendix on Virtue Titles
德號之興其來遠矣。魏晉之世。翻譯律本羯磨文中。皆曰大德僧。經云。為大德天生。論云。諸大德有神通者。及諸傳紀私呼僧中賢彥。多雲大德。非國朝所補也。至唐代宗。內出香一合。送西明寺故上座大德道宣掌內。始見史傳。又代宗大曆二年。安國寺律大德乘如奏亡僧物色。乞依律斷輕重。宜依觀此文。似敕補也。然或詔敕中雲。長老僧某。豈是補署邪。蓋一期之推飾耳。大德道宣律大德乘如亦同此也。大曆六年辛亥歲四月五日。敕京城僧尼。臨壇大德各置十人。以為常式。有闕即填。此帶臨壇。而有大德二字。乃官補德號之始也。憲宗朝。端甫為引駕大德。此帶引駕為目。宣宗大中四年六月降誕日。內殿禪大德辯肇二人。此帶禪學得名。又大中中。敕補聖壽寺臨壇大德賜紫。慧靈為總持寺上座。崇福寺講論大德賜紫。睿川充寺主。福壽寺臨壇大德賜紫玄。暢充都維那。大中十年。玄暢遷上座大德玄。則為寺主大德。堅信為悅眾。並從敕補。敕補號益分明矣。懿宗咸通六年。西涼府僧法信。稟本道節度使張義朝。差進乘恩法師所撰百法論疏抄。兩街詳定可以行。用敕宜依。其法信賜紫衣。充本道大德。又昭宗文德初生辰號嘉會節。詔兩街僧道講論至暮。各賜分物銀器。僧道賜師號者。右街兩人。紫衣各四人
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 『德號』（Dége hào，尊稱有德行的僧人）的興起由來已久。在魏晉時代，翻譯的律本和羯磨文（Jiémó wén，佛教儀式文書）中，都稱呼僧人為『大德僧』。經典中說，（佛）是為『大德』而天生。論典中說，諸位『大德』有神通。以及各種傳記私下稱呼僧人中的賢才，也多稱為『大德』，這並非是朝廷任命的。到了唐代宗時期，宮內拿出一合香，送給西明寺故去的上座『大德』道宣（Dàoxuān）掌管的內務，這在史傳中才開始出現。又代宗大曆二年，安國寺的律『大德』乘如（Chéngrú）上奏亡故僧人的遺物，請求依照律法判決輕重，應該依照（律法）來觀察此文，似乎是朝廷敕令任命的。然而或者詔書中說，『長老僧某』，難道是補署的官職嗎？這大概是一時的推崇之詞罷了。『大德』道宣，律『大德』乘如也是同樣的情況。大曆六年辛亥歲四月五日，敕令京城僧尼，臨壇『大德』各設定十人，作為常例。有空缺就填補。這裡帶有『臨壇』，而有『大德』二字，乃是官方任命『德號』的開始。憲宗朝，端甫（Duānfǔ）擔任引駕『大德』，這裡帶有『引駕』作為名目。宣宗大中四年六月降誕日，內殿禪『大德』辯肇（Biànzhào）二人，這裡帶有『禪學』而得名。又大中年中，敕令任命聖壽寺臨壇『大德』賜予紫衣。慧靈（Huìlíng）擔任總持寺上座，崇福寺講論『大德』賜予紫衣，睿川（Ruìchuān）擔任寺主。福壽寺臨壇『大德』賜予紫衣玄暢（Xuánchàng），擔任都維那。大中十年，玄暢升爲上座，『大德』玄則（Xuánzé）擔任寺主，『大德』堅信（Jiānxìn）擔任悅眾，都是由朝廷敕令任命。朝廷敕令任命的稱號更加分明了。懿宗咸通六年，西涼府僧人法信（Fǎxìn），稟告本道節度使張義朝（Zhāng Yìcháo），差遣進獻乘恩法師（Chéng'ēn Fǎshī）所撰寫的《百法論疏抄》，兩街詳定認為可以推行，用敕令表示應該遵照。其法信賜予紫衣，擔任本道『大德』。又昭宗文德初年生辰號為嘉會節，詔令兩街僧道講論到傍晚，各自賜予分物銀器。僧道賜予師號的人，右街兩人，紫衣各四人。
【English Translation】 English version: The rise of the title 'Dége' (德號, a respectful title for virtuous monks) has a long history. During the Wei and Jin Dynasties, in the translated Vinaya texts and Karma texts (羯磨文, Buddhist ritual texts), monks were addressed as 'Great Virtue Monks' (大德僧). The scriptures say that (the Buddha) was born for 'Great Virtue' (大德). Commentaries say that those 'Great Virtues' (大德) possess supernatural powers. And various biographies privately referred to virtuous talents among monks as 'Great Virtue' (大德), which was not appointed by the court. It was not until the time of Emperor Daizong of the Tang Dynasty that a box of incense was taken out from the palace and sent to the late Abbot 'Great Virtue' (大德) Daoxuan (道宣) in Ximing Temple to manage internal affairs, which began to appear in historical records. Also, in the second year of the Da Li era of Emperor Daizong, the Vinaya 'Great Virtue' (大德) Chengru (乘如) of Anguo Temple reported the belongings of deceased monks, requesting that the severity be judged according to the Vinaya. This document should be observed according to (the Vinaya), which seems to be an appointment by imperial decree. However, or in the imperial edict it is said, 'Elder Monk So-and-so,' is this a supplementary official position? This is probably just a temporary compliment. 'Great Virtue' (大德) Daoxuan and Vinaya 'Great Virtue' (大德) Chengru are also the same situation. On the fifth day of the fourth month of the Xin Hai year of the sixth year of the Da Li era, an edict ordered the monks and nuns of the capital city to set up ten 'Great Virtues' (大德) for each altar as a regular practice. Fill in any vacancies immediately. Here, with 'attending the altar' (臨壇), and with the words 'Great Virtue' (大德), it is the beginning of the official appointment of the 'Virtue Title' (德號). During the reign of Emperor Xianzong, Duanfu (端甫) served as the guiding 'Great Virtue' (大德), with 'guiding' (引駕) as the title. On the birthday of Emperor Xuanzong in June of the fourth year of the Da Zhong era, the two 'Great Virtue' (大德) Bianzhao (辯肇) of the inner palace Chan (禪) were named with 'Chan study' (禪學). Also, in the Da Zhong era, an imperial edict appointed the 'Great Virtue' (大德) attending the altar of Shengshou Temple and bestowed a purple robe. Huiling (慧靈) served as the abbot of Zongchi Temple, and the 'Great Virtue' (大德) Ruichuan (睿川) of Chongfu Temple was bestowed a purple robe and served as the abbot. Xuanchang (玄暢), the 'Great Virtue' (大德) attending the altar of Fushou Temple, was bestowed a purple robe and served as the chief director. In the tenth year of the Da Zhong era, Xuanchang was promoted to abbot, 'Great Virtue' (大德) Xuanze (玄則) served as the abbot, and 'Great Virtue' (大德) Jianxin (堅信) served as the Yuezong, all appointed by imperial decree. The titles appointed by imperial decree became more distinct. In the sixth year of the Xiantong era of Emperor Yizong, the monk Faxin (法信) of Xiliang Prefecture reported to Zhang Yichao (張義朝), the Jiedushi (節度使) of the prefecture, and sent the 'Commentary on the Hundred Dharmas Treatise' written by Dharma Master Chengen (乘恩法師). After detailed review by the two streets, it was deemed feasible to implement, and an imperial edict indicated that it should be followed. Faxin was bestowed a purple robe and served as the 'Great Virtue' (大德) of the prefecture. Also, at the beginning of Emperor Zhaozong's Wende era, the birthday was named the Jiahui Festival, and an edict ordered the monks and Taoists of the two streets to lecture until dusk, and each was given silver utensils. Among those monks and Taoists who were granted the title of teacher, there were two from the right street and four purple robes each.
。德號各十人。朱梁後唐晉漢周。或行或不行。今大宋朝廷罕行德號。開寶中。左右街僧錄準舊敕得簡署三學雜科僧名題。或曰禪大德。或講經律論。表白聲贊。醫術諸科。宜與大德二字。近僧錄道深不循科目。多妄張懿美文字為題。至於四字六字。唯納賂而後行。江南兩淅之地。至有十寺院。中無長行可以充僧役也。
內供奉並引駕
內供奉授僧者。自唐肅宗聚兵靈武。至德元年。回趨扶風。僧元皎受口敕。置藥師道場。令隨駕仗內赴。請公驗。往鳳翔府開元寺。御藥師道場。三七人六時行道。時道場內忽生一叢李樹。奉敕使驗實。李樹四十九莖。元皎表賀批答。瑞李繁滋國興之兆。生伽藍之內。知佛日再興。感此殊祥。與師同慶。又李讓國宣敕云。敕內供奉僧元皎。置此官者元皎始也。次有子麟者。泉州人也。繼受斯職。憲宗朝。端甫皓月棲白相次應命。朱梁後唐晉漢周我大宋無聞此職。為引駕大德者。唯端甫稱之。此必敕補。儻自號私署。安可稱之。此命近亦不聞矣。然則車駕巡幸還京。僧道必具幡幢螺鈸遠迎。僧錄道錄騎馬引駕。而無敢自稱引駕者。太祖英武聖文神德皇帝敕兩街僧道。各備威儀迎駕。今以為常式矣。
封授官秩
夫出家之者望五位以升階。得道之人轉二依而就果。
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本：各有十位擁有『德號』（具有高尚品德的稱號）的僧人，歷經朱梁、後唐、晉、漢、周各朝。有時推行，有時不推行。如今大宋朝廷很少推行『德號』。開寶年間，左右街僧錄司根據舊敕令，可以簡單地在三學（經、律、論）及雜科僧人的名銜上題寫。或者稱『禪大德』（精通禪定的大德），或者講經、律、論，或者擅長表白、聲贊，或者精通醫術等科目，都適宜授予『大德』二字。近來僧錄司的道深不遵循科目規定，大多虛妄地張揚美好的文字作為頭銜，甚至出現四字、六字的頭銜，只有納賄之後才能通行。江南兩浙一帶，甚至有十座寺院中沒有可以長期充當僧役的人。
內供奉與引駕
授予僧人『內供奉』（在皇宮內供奉的僧人）的制度，始於唐肅宗在靈武聚集軍隊，至德元年，回師扶風。僧人元皎接受口頭敕令，設定藥師道場，令其隨駕在儀仗隊內。元皎請求公驗，前往鳳翔府開元寺，開設藥師道場，每天三七（二十一）人，六時行道。當時道場內忽然生長出一叢李樹。奉敕使者查驗覈實，李樹共有四十九莖。元皎上表祝賀，皇帝批覆：『瑞李繁滋，乃國興之兆，生長在伽藍（寺廟）之內，可知佛日再興。感此殊祥，與師同慶。』又有李讓國宣讀敕令說：『敕封內供奉僧元皎。』設定這個官職，從元皎開始。其次有子麟，是泉州人，繼承了這個職位。憲宗朝代，端甫、皓月、棲白相繼應命。朱梁、後唐、晉、漢、周以及我大宋都沒有聽說過這個職位。作為『引駕大德』（引導皇帝車駕的大德）的，只有端甫被稱為。這必定是敕令補授的。如果自己號稱、私自署名，怎麼可以這樣稱呼呢？這種任命近來也沒有聽說了。然而，皇帝巡幸返回京城，僧人和道士必定準備幡幢、螺鈸，遠遠地迎接。僧錄司、道錄司騎馬引導車駕，但沒有人敢自己號稱『引駕』。太祖英武聖文神德皇帝敕令兩街的僧人和道士，各自準備威儀迎接車駕，現在已經成為常例了。
封授官秩
出家之人希望通過五位（五品官階）來陞遷，得道之人通過轉二依（轉凡夫二依果位）而成就果位。
【English Translation】 English version: Each dynasty, from Zhu Liang, Later Tang, Jin, Han, to Zhou, had ten monks with the title of 'Virtuous One' (a title denoting high moral character). Sometimes it was promoted, sometimes not. Now, the Great Song Dynasty rarely promotes the title of 'Virtuous One'. During the Kaibao era, the Left and Right Street Monastic Registries, according to the old imperial edict, could simply inscribe on the titles of monks from the Three Studies (Sutras, Vinaya, Shastras) and miscellaneous subjects. They might be called 'Chan Great Virtuous One' (a great virtuous one proficient in Chan meditation), or those who lectured on Sutras, Vinaya, or Shastras, or those skilled in declarations, praises, or medical arts, all were suitable to be granted the title 'Great Virtuous One'. Recently, Dao Shen of the Monastic Registry did not follow the subject regulations, and mostly falsely promoted beautiful words as titles, even four-character or six-character titles, which could only be obtained after bribery. In the Jiangnan and Liangzhe areas, there were even ten monasteries without long-term residents who could serve as monastic laborers.
Inner Offering and Leading the Carriage
The system of granting monks the title of 'Inner Offering' (monks who served in the imperial palace) began with Emperor Suzong of Tang gathering troops in Lingwu. In the first year of Zhide, he returned to Fufeng. The monk Yuan Jiao received an oral edict to set up a Bhaisajyaguru (Medicine Buddha) Dharma assembly, ordering him to follow the imperial carriage within the ceremonial guard. Yuan Jiao requested official verification and went to Kaiyuan Temple in Fengxiang Prefecture to open a Bhaisajyaguru Dharma assembly, with three sevens (twenty-one) people performing the rituals six times a day. At that time, a clump of plum trees suddenly grew in the Dharma assembly. The envoy sent by imperial edict verified that there were forty-nine plum tree stems. Yuan Jiao submitted a memorial of congratulations, and the emperor replied: 'The flourishing of auspicious plum trees is a sign of the country's prosperity, growing within the Sangharama (monastery), indicating the resurgence of the Buddha's light. Feeling this extraordinary omen, I share the joy with the master.' Then, Li Rangguo read out the imperial edict, saying: 'Imperial edict to confer the title of Inner Offering Monk Yuan Jiao.' The establishment of this official position began with Yuan Jiao. Next was Zi Lin, who was from Quanzhou, and inherited this position. During the reign of Emperor Xianzong, Duan Fu, Hao Yue, and Qi Bai successively responded to the call. The Zhu Liang, Later Tang, Jin, Han, Zhou, and our Great Song have not heard of this position. As for 'Leading the Carriage Great Virtuous One' (a great virtuous one who leads the emperor's carriage), only Duan Fu was called that. This must have been an appointment by imperial edict. If one claims it themselves or privately signs it, how can they be called that? This appointment has not been heard of recently. However, when the emperor returns to the capital after an inspection tour, monks and Taoists must prepare banners, conches, and cymbals to welcome him from afar. The Monastic Registry and Taoist Registry ride horses to lead the carriage, but no one dares to call themselves 'Leading the Carriage'. Emperor Taizu, the Heroic, Martial, Sage, Literary, and Divine Emperor, ordered the monks and Taoists of both streets to prepare their ceremonial regalia to welcome the carriage, and this has now become a common practice.
Conferring Official Ranks
Those who have left home hope to advance through the five ranks (five grades of official rank), and those who have attained the Way transform the two supports (transform the two supports of ordinary people to attain fruition).
敢言其次。緣覺應真以四果一坐而證成。經三生百劫而彰號。此聖賢之品秩也。宜修選業。可取殊科。其有震旦華風。縻賢好爵。因其所貴而以貴之。昔後魏以趙郡沙門法果為沙門統。供施之不足。又官品之。遂授輔國宜城子忠信侯。尋進公爵。曰安城。釋子封官自法果始也。梁朝以慧超為壽光殿學士。又陸法和甚高官位。後周選僧道中學問優贍者。充通道觀學士。仍改服色。隋朝以彥琮為翻經館學士。唐中宗神龍二年。造聖善寺。成慧范慧珍法藏大行會寂元璧仁方崇先進國九人。加五品並朝散大夫縣公。房室器用料物。一如正員官給。以修大像之功也。尋加慧范正儀大夫。上庸郡公。聖善寺主至銀青光祿大夫。俸料房合一事已上同職官給。又安樂寺主僧萬歲加朝散大夫封縣公。聖善寺都維那俸祿亦同職官給。以營像成也。又沙門廓清充修功德使撿挍殿中監。其次玄宗卜平內難。僧清潤封官三品。醫寧王疾。愈僧賜緋袍。代宗加不空三藏。至開府儀同三司肅國公。階爵之極唯不空矣。
論曰。朝廷尚行於爵秩。釋子乃競于官階。官階勿盡期。貪愛無滿分。胡不養其妻子跪拜君親。何異乎織女七襄牽牛負軛者哉。有識達者於此無取焉。不同陸法和釋道平能施衛社之功緻有假官之目也。
方等戒壇
此
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 再說其次的情況。緣覺（Pratyekabuddha，獨自覺悟者）和阿羅漢（Arhat，應供者）通過四果（須陀洹、斯陀含、阿那含、阿羅漢）的修證，一次坐禪即可證得。他們經歷三生百劫的修行，才得以彰顯名號。這是聖賢的品級。應該修習正當的行業，可以選取特殊的科目。至於震旦（中國）的華麗風尚，用高官厚祿來籠絡賢才，因為他們所看重的，就用這些來抬高他們。過去北魏時期，任命趙郡的沙門（Śrāmaṇa，出家修道者）法果為沙門統（僧官），供養還不夠，又授予官品，於是授予輔國宜城子、忠信侯，不久又晉升爲公爵，封號安城。釋子（佛教徒）封官，從法果開始。梁朝任命慧超為壽光殿學士。還有陸法和，官位非常高。後周選拔僧人和道士中，學問優秀的人，充任通道觀學士，並更改他們的服色。隋朝任命彥琮為翻經館學士。唐中宗神龍二年，建造聖善寺，成就了慧范、慧珍、法藏、大行、會寂、元璧、仁方、崇先、進國九人，加授五品官階，並授予朝散大夫、縣公的爵位。房舍、器物、用料等，一切都按照正式官員的標準供給，這是因為他們修建大佛像的功勞。不久又加授慧范正儀大夫、上庸郡公。聖善寺住持的待遇提升至銀青光祿大夫，俸祿、房舍等一切待遇都與同等級別的官員相同。另外，安樂寺住持僧萬歲加授朝散大夫，封為縣公。聖善寺都維那（寺院管理者）的俸祿也與同等級別的官員相同，這也是因為他們營建佛像的功勞。還有沙門廓清，充任修功德使，兼任撿挍殿中監。其次，玄宗平定內亂，僧人清潤被封為三品官。僧人為寧王治病，病癒后，僧人被賜予緋袍。代宗加封不空三藏（Amoghavajra，不空金剛）為開府儀同三司、肅國公。階級爵位達到頂峰的，只有不空了。
評論說：朝廷崇尚爵位俸祿，佛教徒卻競逐官階。官階沒有盡頭，貪愛沒有滿足的時候。為什麼不贍養自己的妻子兒女，跪拜自己的君主和父母呢？這和織女每年七次相會，牽牛星揹負軛架有什麼區別呢？有見識的人是不會追求這些的。這和陸法和、釋道平能夠施展衛護社稷的功勞，而獲得虛假的官職是不同的。
方等戒壇
【English Translation】 English version: Let's talk about the next situation. Pratyekabuddhas (those who awaken independently) and Arhats (worthy of offerings) attain enlightenment in one sitting through the cultivation of the Four Fruits (Srotaapanna, Sakrdagamin, Anagamin, Arhat). They manifest their names after cultivating through three lives and hundreds of kalpas (aeons). This is the rank of sages and worthies. One should cultivate proper occupations and can choose special subjects. As for the splendid customs of Zhendan (China), they use high positions and generous salaries to win over talents, and because they value these things, they use them to elevate them. In the past, during the Northern Wei Dynasty, the Shramana (ascetic) Faguo of Zhao County was appointed as the Sangha Chief (monastic official). The offerings were not enough, so he was also granted official rank. Thus, he was granted the title of Duke of Yicheng, Marquis of Zhongxin, and soon promoted to the title of Duke, with the title of Ancheng. The conferral of official titles on Buddhist disciples began with Faguo. During the Liang Dynasty, Huichao was appointed as a scholar of the Shuguang Hall. There was also Lu Fahe, who held a very high official position. During the Later Zhou Dynasty, monks and Taoists with excellent scholarship were selected to serve as scholars of the Tongdao Temple, and their attire was changed. During the Sui Dynasty, Yanzong was appointed as a scholar of the Translation Bureau. In the second year of Shenlong during the reign of Emperor Zhongzong of the Tang Dynasty, the Shengshan Temple was built, and nine people, Huifan, Huizhen, Fazang, Daxing, Huiji, Yuanbi, Renfang, Chongxian, and Jinguo, were awarded the fifth rank and the titles of Chaosan Daifu and County Duke. Housing, utensils, materials, and other items were provided according to the standards of regular officials, because of their merit in building the great Buddha statue. Soon, Huifan was also awarded the title of Zhengyi Daifu and Duke of Shangyong County. The abbot of Shengshan Temple was promoted to the rank of Yinqing Guanglu Daifu, and his salary, housing, and other benefits were the same as those of officials of the same rank. In addition, the abbot of Anle Temple, Monk Wansui, was awarded the title of Chaosan Daifu and the title of County Duke. The salary of the Duweina (temple manager) of Shengshan Temple was also the same as that of officials of the same rank, also because of their merit in building the Buddha statue. There was also Shramana Kuoqing, who served as the Envoy for Cultivating Merit and also served as the Jianjiao Dianzhongjian. Secondly, when Emperor Xuanzong quelled the internal rebellion, the monk Qingrun was granted the third rank. When a monk cured Prince Ning's illness, the monk was given a purple robe. Emperor Daizong added the title of Kaifu Yitong Sansi, Duke of Su State to Amoghavajra (Bukong Sanzang). Bukong was the only one whose rank and title reached the peak.
The commentary says: The court values titles and salaries, but Buddhist disciples compete for official ranks. Official ranks have no end, and greed has no limit. Why not support one's wife and children and kneel before one's ruler and parents? What is the difference between the Weaver Girl meeting seven times a year and the Oxherd carrying the yoke? Those with insight will not pursue these things. This is different from Lu Fahe and Shi Daoping, who were able to exert their merit in protecting the country and thus obtained false official positions.
Ordination Platform of the Vaipulya Sutra
土之有戒壇。起南朝求那跋摩三藏。為宋國比丘。于蔡州岸受戒而為始也。自爾南北相次立壇。而無別名。後有南林戒壇。高宗干封二年。終南山道宣律師建靈感戒壇于清官村精舍。天下名德皆來重增戒品。築壇方成。有長眉僧。壇前讚歎。即賓頭盧也。代宗永泰年三月二十八日。敕大興善寺。方等戒壇所須一切官供。至四月敕京城僧尼。臨壇大德各置十人。永為常式。所言方等戒壇者。蓋以壇法本出於諸律。律即小乘教也。小乘教中須一一如法。片有乖違。則令受者不得戒。臨壇人犯罪。故謂之律教也。若大乘方等教。即不拘根缺緣差。並皆得受。但令發大心而領納之耳。方等者即周遍義也。止觀論曰。方等者或言廣平。今謂方者法也。如般若有四種方法。即四門入清涼池故此方也。所契之理即平等大慧故云等也。稟順方等之文而立戒壇故名方等壇也。既不細拘禁忌。廣大而平等。又可謂之廣平也。宣宗以會昌沙汰之後。僧尼再得出家。恐在俗中。寧無諸過。乃令先懺深罪。后增戒品。若非方等。豈容重入。取其周遍包容。故曰方等戒壇也。脫或一遵律范。無聞小過。入僧界法四種皆如。則不可稱為方等也。然泛愛則人喜陵犯。嚴毅則物自肅然。末代住持宜其嚴而少愛則為能也。
結社法集
晉宋間有
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 關於土之戒壇，始於南朝求那跋摩三藏（Guṇabhadra，意為功德賢，南朝宋代譯經僧）。他作為宋國的比丘，在蔡州岸邊開始傳授戒律。自此以後，南北各地相繼設立戒壇，但沒有特別的名稱。後來有了南林戒壇。高宗干封二年，終南山道宣律師在清官村精舍建立了靈感戒壇，天下的名僧大德都來這裡重新增加戒品。築壇完成時，有一位長眉僧人在壇前讚歎，他就是賓頭盧（Piṇḍola，意為重樓，十六羅漢之一）。代宗永泰年三月二十八日，皇帝敕令大興善寺，方等戒壇所需的一切由官府供給。到了四月，又敕令京城僧尼，臨壇的大德各自配置十人，作為永久的規制。 所說的方等戒壇，是因為壇法本來出自於諸律，而律是小乘教法。小乘教法中必須一一如法，稍微有一點違背，就會使受戒者無法得戒，臨壇的人也會因此犯罪，所以稱為律教。如果按照大乘方等教法，就不拘泥於根缺緣差，都可以受戒，只要發起大心並領納即可。方等，就是周遍的意思。《止觀論》中說，方等或者說是廣平。現在說方，指的是法，如般若有四種方法，即從四門進入清涼池，所以說是方。所契合的道理就是平等大慧，所以說是等。依據方等之文而設立戒壇，所以名為方等壇。既然不細緻地拘泥於禁忌，廣大而平等，又可以稱之為廣平。 宣宗在會昌沙汰之後，僧尼再次得以出家，恐怕他們在俗世中難免有過錯，於是下令先懺悔深重的罪業，然後增加戒品。如果不是方等戒壇，怎麼能容許他們重新進入僧團？正是取其周遍包容的含義，所以稱為方等戒壇。如果完全遵照律宗的規範，沒有聽說過任何小的過錯，進入僧界的四種法都如法，那就不能稱之為方等了。然而，氾濫的愛容易使人侵犯，嚴厲則使事物自然肅敬。末法時代的住持應該嚴厲多於慈愛，才能有所作為。 結社法集 晉宋年間有
【English Translation】 English version: Regarding the ordination platform of the earth, it began with Tripiṭaka Guṇabhadra (meaning 'Virtuous Merit,' a translator monk of the Song Dynasty in the Southern Dynasties). As a Bhikṣu (Buddhist monk) of the Song state, he initiated the transmission of precepts on the shore of Caizhou. Since then, ordination platforms were established successively in the North and South, but without a specific name. Later, there was the Nanlin Ordination Platform. In the second year of Emperor Gaozong's Qianfeng era, the Vinaya Master Daoxuan of Zhongnan Mountain established the Linggan Ordination Platform at the Jing舍 (精舍, a quiet dwelling or retreat) in Qingguan Village. Renowned monks and virtuous individuals from all over the country came to renew their precepts. When the construction of the platform was completed, a long-browed monk praised it in front of the platform; he was Piṇḍola (meaning 'Heavy Building,' one of the Sixteen Arhats). On the 28th day of the third month of the Yongtai era of Emperor Daizong, the emperor ordered the Daxingshan Temple to have all the necessities for the Fangdeng (方等, Square and Equal) Ordination Platform provided by the government. In the fourth month, he further ordered that each eminent monk and nun in the capital attending the platform should have ten attendants, establishing this as a permanent rule. The so-called Fangdeng Ordination Platform is because the platform's methods originally come from the various Vinayas (律, monastic rules), and the Vinaya is the teaching of the Hinayana (小乘, Lesser Vehicle). In the Hinayana teachings, everything must be in accordance with the Dharma (法, law or principle); even the slightest deviation will prevent the recipient from obtaining the precepts, and those attending the platform will also commit offenses, hence it is called the Vinaya teaching. If following the Mahayana (大乘, Great Vehicle) Fangdeng teachings, one is not restricted by deficiencies in roots or differences in conditions; all can receive the precepts, as long as they generate great aspiration and accept them. Fangdeng means 'all-pervading.' The Zhi Guan Lun (止觀論, Treatise on Cessation and Contemplation) states that Fangdeng can also be called Guangping (廣平, Broad and Equal). Now, Fang refers to the Dharma, such as the four methods of Prajñā (般若, wisdom), which are like entering the cool pond through four gates, hence it is called Fang. The principle that is realized is equal and great wisdom, hence it is called Deng. Establishing the ordination platform based on the text of Fangdeng is why it is named the Fangdeng Platform. Since it does not meticulously adhere to prohibitions and is broad and equal, it can also be called Guangping. After the Huichang Persecution during Emperor Xuanzong's reign, monks and nuns were once again allowed to leave home. Fearing that they might have committed transgressions while in lay life, he ordered them to first repent of their deep sins and then increase their precepts. If it were not for the Fangdeng Ordination Platform, how could they be allowed to re-enter the Sangha (僧伽, monastic community)? It is precisely because it takes its meaning of all-encompassing that it is called the Fangdeng Ordination Platform. If one were to completely follow the norms of the Vinaya School, without hearing of any minor transgressions, and the four methods of entering the Sangha were all in accordance with the Dharma, then it could not be called Fangdeng. However, excessive love makes people prone to transgression, while strictness naturally inspires reverence. The abbots of the Dharma-Ending Age should be more strict than loving to be effective. Gathering of Societies and Dharma Assemblies During the Jin and Song dynasties, there were
廬山慧遠法師。化行潯陽。高士逸人輻湊于東林。皆愿結香火。時雷次宗宗炳張詮劉遺民周續之等。共結白蓮華社。立彌陀像。求愿往生安養國。謂之蓮社。社之名始於此也。齊竟陵文宣王募僧俗行凈住法。亦凈住社也。梁僧祐曾撰法社。建功德邑會文。歷代以來成就僧寺。為法會社也。社之法以眾輕成一重。濟事成功。莫近於社。今之結社。共作福因。條約嚴明。愈于公法。行人互相激勵。勤于修證。則社有生善之功大矣。近聞周鄭之地邑社多結守庚申會。初集鳴鐃鈸。唱佛歌贊。眾人唸佛行道。或動絲竹。一夕不睡。以避三彭奏上帝。免注罪奪算也。然此實道家之法。往往有無知釋子。入會圖謀小利。會不尋其根本。誤行邪法。深可痛哉。
賜夏臘
天后朝。道士杜又迴心求愿為僧。敕許剃染。配佛授記寺。法名玄嶷。敕賜三十夏。以其乍入法流。須居下位。茍賜虛臘。則頓為老成也。賜夏臘起於此矣。次長慶元年三月。天平軍節度使劉總。以幽州私第為佛寺。詔以報恩為名。仍遣中官焦仙晟。以寺額賜之。總以幽父之故。神情慌匆。故造佛寺。尋奏乞度為僧。敕賜大覺師號。仍加五十臘。此優異其人。欲令入法位高也。且律教許三人同引受戒。得法一時尚推頭名為大。豈分大族王門子弟邪。朝廷以
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 廬山慧遠法師在潯陽弘揚佛法，許多隱士高人聚集到東林寺，都願意加入佛教社團。當時雷次宗、宗炳、張詮、劉遺民、周續之等人，共同結成白蓮社，供奉彌陀佛像，祈願往生安養凈土，這就是蓮社的由來。齊竟陵文宣王招募僧人和信徒修行凈住之法，也成立了凈住社。梁代僧祐曾撰寫法社的章程，建立功德邑會，歷代以來成就僧寺，作為法會社。社團的意義在於集合眾人微薄的力量成就一件大事，在濟事和成功方面，沒有比社團更有效的了。如今的結社，是爲了共同培植福德的因緣，制定的條約嚴明，甚至超過了官府的法令。修行人互相激勵，勤奮地修習和證悟，那麼社團就有了產生善行的巨大功德。最近聽說周、鄭一帶的鄉村社團，大多結成了守庚申會。開始時敲鑼打鼓，唱誦佛歌讚頌，眾人唸佛修行，或者演奏音樂，整夜不睡覺，爲了避免三彭神向上帝稟告，免於被記錄罪過和削減壽命。然而這實際上是道家的法術，往往有一些無知的僧人，加入其中圖謀小利，不探究其根本，錯誤地實行邪法，實在令人痛心。
賜予僧臘
在天后（武則天）時期，道士杜又回心轉意，請求出家為僧，皇帝下令允許他剃度受戒，安排在佛授記寺，賜法名玄嶷。皇帝賜予他三十個夏臘（僧齡），因為他剛入佛門，需要從低位做起，如果賜予虛假的僧臘，就立刻成為老資格了。賜予僧臘的制度，就是從這裡開始的。後來長慶元年三月，天平軍節度使劉總，將幽州的私宅改為佛寺，皇帝下詔以『報恩』為寺名，並派遣中官焦仙晟，將寺額賜給他。劉總因為父親去世的緣故，精神恍惚，所以建造佛寺。不久後上奏請求出家為僧，皇帝賜予他大覺師的稱號，並增加五十個夏臘。這是爲了優待他，希望他進入佛門后地位崇高。而且律教允許三人共同引薦受戒，得法的時間先後尚且以先受戒者為大，難道還要區分大家族和王公貴族的子弟嗎？朝廷認為
【English Translation】 English version: Master Huìyuǎn of Mount Lú propagated the Dharma in Xúnyáng. Many hermits and recluses gathered at Donglín Monastery, all willing to join Buddhist societies. At that time, Léi Cìzōng (雷次宗), Zōng Bǐng (宗炳), Zhāng Quán (張詮), Liú Yímín (劉遺民), Zhōu Xùzhī (周續之), and others jointly formed the White Lotus Society, enshrining the Amitābha (彌陀) Buddha image and praying for rebirth in the Pure Land of Sukhāvatī (安養國). This is the origin of the Lotus Society (蓮社). During the Qí dynasty, Prince Wénxuān of Jìnglíng recruited monks and laypeople to practice the Dharma of Pure Abiding, also establishing the Pure Abiding Society (凈住社). During the Liáng dynasty, Monk Sēngyòu (僧祐) compiled the rules for Dharma societies, establishing merit-based village gatherings, and over the generations, monasteries were established as Dharma societies. The significance of a society lies in gathering the small strengths of many to accomplish a great task. In terms of managing affairs and achieving success, nothing is more effective than a society. Today's societies are formed to jointly cultivate the causes of blessings. The established rules are strict and clear, even surpassing the laws of the government. Practitioners encourage each other, diligently practicing and realizing enlightenment, then the society will have the great merit of generating goodness. Recently, I heard that village societies in the areas of Zhōu and Zhèng mostly form Gēngshēn Vigil Societies (守庚申會). At the beginning, they beat gongs and drums, chanting Buddhist songs and praises. Everyone recites the Buddha's name and practices the Dharma, or plays music, staying awake all night to avoid the Three Corpses (三彭) reporting to the Supreme Deity (上帝), preventing the recording of sins and the reduction of lifespan. However, this is actually a Taoist practice. Often, some ignorant monks join in, seeking petty gains, without investigating its root, mistakenly practicing heretical methods, which is truly lamentable.
Bestowing Summer Seniority
During the reign of Empress Wu Zetian (天后), the Taoist Dù Yòu (杜又) changed his mind and requested to become a monk. The emperor ordered that he be allowed to shave his head and receive ordination, assigning him to the Buddha Prediction Monastery (佛授記寺), and bestowing upon him the Dharma name Xuán Yí (玄嶷). The emperor bestowed upon him thirty summer years (夏臘, monastic age), because he had just entered the Buddhist order and needed to start from a low position. If he were bestowed with false seniority, he would immediately become a senior member. The system of bestowing summer seniority began here. Later, in the third month of the first year of Chángqìng, Liú Zǒng (劉總), the military commissioner of Tiānpíng, converted his private residence in Yōuzhōu into a Buddhist temple. The emperor issued an edict naming the temple 'Repaying Kindness' (報恩), and sent the eunuch Jiāo Xiānchéng (焦仙晟) to bestow the temple plaque upon him. Liú Zǒng, due to the death of his father, was mentally distraught, so he built the Buddhist temple. Soon after, he requested to become a monk, and the emperor bestowed upon him the title of Great Awakening Teacher (大覺師), and added fifty summer years. This was to treat him favorably, hoping that he would attain a high position after entering the Buddhist order. Moreover, the Vinaya allows three people to jointly recommend someone for ordination, and the order of precedence is still based on who was ordained first, so why should there be distinctions between the children of great families and royalty? The court believes
劉氏久據幽州。美總創知順理故。加[萉-巴+(日/(句-口+匕))]賜之慰其意也。梁開平中。吳越王錢氏奏令季男出家。法名令因。敕賜紫衣。號法相大師。加三十臘。自此止。今不聞行此也。所言臘者。經律中以七月十六日是比丘五分法身生來之歲首。則七月十五日是臘除也。比丘出俗。不以俗年為計。乃數夏臘耳。經律又謂十五日為佛臘日也。
對王者稱謂
西域從始立名。至終不改。如阿難。是佛成道夜生。號為慶喜。及受記結集。亦號阿難。諸皆效此。近見梵僧到。多名為迦葉文殊等。西土無嫌。亦如東夏相如子貢之類也。案寄歸傳曰。西方受戒。以十夏前稱小師。十夏稱住位。通經論。多者曰多聞求寂。此皆通稱也。若單云僧。則四人以上方得稱之。今謂分稱為僧。理亦無爽。如萬二千五百人為軍。或單己一人亦稱軍也。僧亦同之。南山律師云。沙門者凡聖同稱也。西天異道亦號沙門。故須釋字以別之。二種合稱。猶此方人稱爵里及姓氏也。然姓所同也。茍用單名。名所獨也。獨則簡濫焉。自魏晉以來。沙門多從師姓。如支道林。姓關。從師姓支。道安姓衛。從師佛圖澄姓帛。安獨悟曰。從師莫過於佛。佛本姓釋。遂通令比丘姓釋。東夏稱釋氏。自安始也。后阿含經梵本至譯出。果有
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本 劉氏長期佔據幽州。美好總能創造出順應常理的事物，因此，朝廷增加賞賜來安撫他的心意。梁開平年間，吳越王錢氏上奏請求讓他的小兒子出家，法名令因，朝廷敕賜紫衣，號為法相大師，並增加三十臘。自此以後就停止了，現在沒有聽說過再這樣做了。所說的『臘』，在經律中，以七月十六日作為比丘五分法身產生的年份的開始，那麼七月十五日就是臘除。比丘出家，不以世俗的年齡來計算，而是數夏臘。經律又說十五日是佛臘日。
對王者稱謂
西域從一開始立名，到最後都不更改。例如阿難（Ananda，佛陀的十大弟子之一，以記憶力強著稱），是佛陀成道之夜出生的，號為慶喜。等到他接受授記和結集經典時，仍然號為阿難。大家都效仿這種做法。最近見到一些梵僧來到中土，大多名為迦葉（Kasyapa，佛教中的重要人物）文殊（Manjusri，智慧的象徵）等。在西土沒有避諱，也像東夏的司馬相如、子貢之類。按照《寄歸傳》的記載，西方受戒，以十夏之前稱為小師，十夏稱為住位，通曉經論多的人稱為多聞求寂。這些都是通用的稱呼。如果單說『僧』，那麼四人以上才可以這樣稱呼。現在說分開稱呼為僧，道理也沒有什麼不對。例如一萬二千五百人可以稱為軍，或者單單自己一人也可以自稱軍。僧也是同樣的道理。南山律師說，『沙門』（Sramana，佛教出家人的通稱）是凡聖都可以使用的稱呼。西天的其他宗教也號稱沙門，所以需要解釋這個字來區分。兩種合稱，就像我們這裡的人稱呼爵里和姓氏一樣。然而姓是相同的。如果使用單名，那麼名字是獨特的。獨特就避免了氾濫。從魏晉以來，沙門大多跟隨老師的姓。例如支道林，姓關，跟隨老師姓支。道安姓衛，跟隨老師佛圖澄姓帛。道安獨自領悟說，跟隨老師沒有比佛更重要的了，佛本來姓釋，於是通令比丘姓釋。東夏稱釋氏，從道安開始。後來《阿含經》（Agama Sutra）的梵文字傳到並翻譯出來，果然有。
【English Translation】 English version Liu Shi had long occupied Youzhou. Excellence always creates things that accord with reason, therefore, the court increased rewards to appease his intentions. During the Kai Ping era of the Liang dynasty, King Qian of Wuyue奏 requested that his youngest son become a monk, with the Dharma name Ling Yin. The court bestowed upon him a purple robe and the title of Dharma Master, adding thirty years of monastic seniority (臘). This practice ceased thereafter, and it is not heard of being done anymore. The '臘' (monastic seniority) referred to in the scriptures and precepts is based on the 16th day of the seventh month as the beginning of the year for the arising of the five aggregates of the Dharma body of a Bhiksu (比丘, Buddhist monk). Therefore, the 15th day of the seventh month is the end of the monastic year. When a Bhiksu leaves the secular world, their age is not calculated by secular years, but by counting the number of summer retreats (夏) and monastic years (臘). The scriptures and precepts also state that the 15th day is the Buddha's monastic day.
Addressing Kings
In the Western Regions, once a name is established, it is never changed. For example, Ananda (阿難, one of the Buddha's ten principal disciples, known for his excellent memory) was born on the night of the Buddha's enlightenment and was named Qingxi (慶喜, Joyful). When he received the prediction of enlightenment and compiled the scriptures, he was still called Ananda. Everyone followed this practice. Recently, when some梵 monks came to China, they were mostly named Kasyapa (迦葉, an important figure in Buddhism), Manjusri (文殊, the embodiment of wisdom), etc. In the Western Lands, there is no taboo against this, just like Sima Xiangru and Zigong in the Eastern Xia. According to the Records of Returning to the South Sea (寄歸傳), in the West, before ten years of monastic life, one is called a junior monk (小師); after ten years, one is called a resident monk (住位); those who are well-versed in scriptures and treatises are called 'one who has heard much and seeks tranquility' (多聞求寂). These are all common titles. If one simply says '僧' (Sangha, monk), then it must refer to four or more people. Now, to separately call someone a monk is also reasonable. For example, twelve thousand five hundred people can be called an army (軍), or even a single person can call themselves an army. The same principle applies to monks. The Vinaya Master of Nanshan said that '沙門' (Sramana, a general term for Buddhist renunciates) is a term used by both ordinary and enlightened beings. Other religions in the Western Lands also call themselves Sramanas, so it is necessary to explain the word to distinguish it. Combining the two terms is like how people here refer to their ancestral home and surname. However, the surname is shared. If one uses a single name, then the name is unique. Uniqueness avoids being indiscriminate. Since the Wei and Jin dynasties, Sramanas mostly followed their teacher's surname. For example, Zhi Daolin's surname was Guan, but he followed his teacher's surname, Zhi. Daoan's surname was Wei, but he followed his teacher Fotucheng's surname, Bo. Daoan realized that there is no teacher greater than the Buddha, and the Buddha's original surname was Sakya (釋), so he universally ordered that Bhiksus take the surname Sakya. In Eastern Xia, they are called the Sakya clan (釋氏), starting from Daoan. Later, the Sanskrit version of the Agama Sutra (阿含經) arrived and was translated, and indeed there was.
四河歸海無複本名。四姓出家咸稱釋氏之文。自相符合也。新翻苾芻者。由苾芻草有五德。因號之。比丘者訛梵語也。又舊曰除饉者。康僧會注法鏡經曰。凡夫於六情境。如餓夫夢食。出家人除去六情。名為除饉也。又習鑿齒呼道安為道士。西域人多稱我。卑于尊所稱亦無嫌。故阿難云。如是我聞也。若此方對王者。漢魏兩晉或稱名。或云我。或云貧道。故法曠上書于晉簡文。稱貧道。支遁上書乞歸剡。亦稱貧道。道安諫符堅。自稱貧道。呼堅為檀越。於時未為定式。又跋陀對宋孝武云。從陛下乞順。此見呼陛下也。至南齊時。法獻玄暢二人分為僧正。對帝言。論稱名而不坐。后因中興寺僧鐘啟答。稱貧道。帝嫌之。問王儉曰。先輩沙門與帝王共語何稱。正殿還坐不。儉對曰。漢魏佛法未興。不見紀傳。自偽國稍盛皆稱貧道。亦聞預坐。及晉初亦然。中代有庾冰桓玄等。皆欲使沙門盡禮。朝議紛紜。事皆休寢。宋之中朝。亦令致禮。尋且不行。自爾迄今。多預坐而稱貧道。帝曰。暢獻二僧道業如此。尚自稱名。況復餘者令揖拜則太甚稱名亦無嫌。由是沙門皆稱名于帝王。獻暢為始也。近朝今代道薄人乖稱謂表章。稱臣頓首。夫頓首者拜也。稱臣卑之極也。尋其所起。不出唐時。隋大興善寺翻經沙門法經等。進眾經目錄
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 四條河流匯入大海后，便不再有各自原本的名稱。（同樣）四個姓氏的人出家后，都統一稱為『釋氏』，這自然是相符合的。新翻譯的『苾芻』（bhiksu，比丘）這個詞，是因為『苾芻』草具有五種美德，因此用它來命名。而『比丘』（bhiksu）則是梵語的訛音。另外，舊譯為『除饉』，康僧會註解《法鏡經》時說：『凡夫在六種情境中，就像飢餓的人夢中吃東西一樣。出家人除去這六種情境，就叫做『除饉』。』 習鑿齒稱道安（Dao An）為道士。西域人大多自稱『我』，在尊長面前這樣稱呼也沒有什麼不妥。所以阿難（Ananda）說：『如是我聞』。如果是在這個地方（指中國）面對君王，漢魏兩晉時期，或者直呼其名，或者說『我』，或者說『貧道』。所以法曠（Fa Kuang）上書給晉簡文帝時，自稱『貧道』。支遁（Zhi Dun）上書請求回剡縣，也自稱『貧道』。道安勸諫符堅（Fu Jian）時，自稱『貧道』，稱符堅為『檀越』（danapati，施主）。當時還沒有形成固定的規矩。另外，跋陀（Bhadra）對宋孝武帝說：『從陛下乞求順從。』可見當時是稱呼『陛下』的。 到了南齊時，法獻（Fa Xian）和玄暢（Xuan Chang）二人被任命為僧正，他們對皇帝說話時，議論時直呼其名，也不落座。後來因為中興寺的僧人鐘啟（Zhong Qi）回答時，自稱『貧道』，皇帝對此很不滿。問王儉（Wang Jian）說：『先輩沙門與帝王說話時怎麼稱呼？在正殿還落座嗎？』王儉回答說：『漢魏時期佛法還不興盛，沒有相關的記載。自從偽國時期稍稍興盛后，都自稱『貧道』，也聽說可以落座。晉朝初期也是這樣。中古時期有庾冰（Yu Bing）、桓玄（Huan Xuan）等人，都想讓沙門行盡禮節，朝廷議論紛紛，事情都擱置了。宋朝中期，也曾下令（沙門）致禮，不久也停止了。從那時到現在，大多是落座而自稱『貧道』。』皇帝說：『玄暢和法獻兩位僧人的道業如此精進，尚且直呼其名，更何況其他人呢？讓他們行揖拜之禮就太過分了，直呼其名也沒有什麼不妥。』因此沙門都對帝王直呼其名，以法獻和玄暢為開端。 近朝今代，世風日下，人情澆薄，（僧人在）稱謂和表章中，竟然稱『臣』、『頓首』。所謂『頓首』就是拜的意思，稱『臣』是卑賤到了極點。追溯其源頭，不出于唐朝。隋朝大興善寺翻譯經典的沙門法經（Fa Jing）等人，進獻了眾經目錄。
【English Translation】 English version: Just as four rivers, upon flowing into the sea, lose their original names, so too do individuals from the four castes, upon renouncing the world, uniformly adopt the name '釋氏' (Shishi, Shakya's lineage). This is naturally consistent. The newly translated term '苾芻' (bhiksu, a Buddhist monk), is so named because the '苾芻' grass possesses five virtues. '比丘' (bhiksu) is a corrupted pronunciation of the Sanskrit term. Furthermore, the old translation '除饉' (chu jin, eliminating famine) is explained by Kang Senghui in his commentary on the Fajing Jing (Mirror of Dharma Sutra): 'Ordinary people in the six emotional states are like a hungry person dreaming of food. Monks who eliminate these six emotional states are called '除饉' (eliminating famine).' Xi Zaochi referred to Dao An as a Daoist priest. People from the Western Regions often refer to themselves as '我' (wo, I), and there is no impropriety in addressing superiors in this way. Therefore, Ananda said, '如是我聞' (ru shi wo wen, Thus have I heard). When addressing the ruler in this land (China), during the Han, Wei, and Jin dynasties, one would either call them by name, or say '我' (wo, I), or '貧道' (pin dao, the poor Daoist). Therefore, when Fa Kuang submitted a memorial to Emperor Jianwen of Jin, he referred to himself as '貧道' (pin dao). Zhi Dun, in his memorial requesting to return to Yan County, also referred to himself as '貧道' (pin dao). When Dao An admonished Fu Jian, he referred to himself as '貧道' (pin dao) and called Fu Jian '檀越' (danapati, benefactor). At that time, there were no fixed rules. Furthermore, Bhadra said to Emperor Xiaowu of Song, '從陛下乞順' (cong bi xia qi shun, I beg for your Majesty's permission to comply). This shows that he addressed the emperor as '陛下' (bi xia, Your Majesty). By the time of the Southern Qi dynasty, Fa Xian and Xuan Chang were appointed as Sangha administrators. When speaking to the emperor, they would discuss matters by directly calling names and without sitting down. Later, because the monk Zhong Qi of Zhongxing Temple referred to himself as '貧道' (pin dao) in his response, the emperor was very displeased. He asked Wang Jian, 'How did the senior monks address the emperors in the past? Did they sit in the main hall?' Wang Jian replied, 'During the Han and Wei dynasties, Buddhism was not yet flourishing, and there are no related records. Since the pseudo-states period, when Buddhism gradually flourished, they all referred to themselves as '貧道' (pin dao), and it was also heard that they could sit down. This was also the case in the early Jin dynasty. During the middle period, there were Yu Bing, Huan Xuan, and others who all wanted the monks to perform all the proper etiquette, but the court discussions were divided, and the matter was shelved. During the middle period of the Song dynasty, an order was also issued for them (monks) to perform the etiquette, but it was soon stopped. From then until now, they mostly sit down and refer to themselves as '貧道' (pin dao).' The emperor said, 'The monastic achievements of the two monks Xuan Chang and Fa Xian are so advanced that they still call names directly, let alone others? It would be too much to ask them to bow and prostrate, and there is nothing wrong with calling names directly.' Therefore, monks all directly call the names of emperors, starting with Fa Xian and Xuan Chang. In recent dynasties and in the present era, morals are declining, and human relationships are deteriorating. In their titles and memorials, (monks) actually use '臣' (chen, subject) and '頓首' (dun shou, kowtow). '頓首' (dun shou) means to bow, and calling oneself '臣' (chen) is the extreme of humility. Tracing its origins, it does not predate the Tang dynasty. During the Sui dynasty, the sutra-translating monks Fa Jing and others of Daxingshan Temple presented a catalog of various sutras.
。猶未稱臣。止云眾沙門法經等謹白皇帝大檀越。後周釋曇積諫沙汰表亦唯稱名。白皇帝大檀越。后稱貧道。若後周釋任道林。對武帝詔曰。又稱臣。詳其時。林形服已變。猶佛圖澄法孫王明廣同也。如作僧道林。必不稱臣也。唐西明寺沙門玄則。上禪林妙記後序中。但稱僧等二字。故序云。遂以所物之餘。親迂睿旨。正名之末。特繕嘉題。僧等荷镕施之恩。緘紹隆之澤。云唐三藏請御製經序表。稱沙門玄奘。答詔云。敕奘尚而不名也。貞觀中詔僧尼居道下。京邑沙門智實上表論班位。亦唯稱名。高宗勒僧道二教。拜君親時。司戎議狀曰。不孝莫過於絕嗣。何不制以婚姻。不忠莫大於不臣。何不令稱臣妾。由是知之。唐之三葉猶未稱臣也。肅宗上元元年三月八日。降御札。遣中使劉楚江。請曹溪六祖所傳衣缽入內。並詔弟子令韜。韜表辭年老。遣弟子明象。上表稱臣。見於史傳。自此始也。或曰。法琳上表。論道居僧上云。臣年迫乘榆。始遇太平之世。貌侵蒲柳。方值聖明之君。若然者。法琳已自稱臣。何以高宗朝司戎議云。不忠莫大於不臣。何不令稱臣妾。茍或琳公已稱。司戎必無此句。答曰。宣律威秀等皆不稱臣。恐法琳危迫情切。乍稱之耳。朝廷未著于令式。眾不同稱。故司戎云。何不令稱臣妾。其次又疑傳寫
者錯誤耳。據此說。則法琳稱臣。又在初也。肅宗至德二年。隨駕撿挍藥師道場。內供奉僧元皎。奏道場內生李樹四十九莖表中雲。臣等忝為臣子。至上元元年九月八日敕。今後僧尼朝會並不須稱臣及禮拜。斯乃因開元中令僧道拜時皆稱臣。至是方免也。大曆八年。又放元日冬至朝賀陪位。蓋以代宗之世君臣表裡偕重空門。此亦久污則隆既否終泰也。
臨壇法
壇上員位準律。中國僧十人。尼二十人中受戒。邊方難得明毗尼師。則聽僧五人尼十人中得戒(比丘五人。尼五人也)此之聖言可為定量。近代尼但于本眾之中。十尼邊受止得本法而已。此之戒月方十二三將圓未圓。必須二部僧中乃得成就耳。案代宗永泰中。敕京城置僧尼臨壇大德各十人。即依律中。中國二十人也。永為通式。闕則填之。仍選明律德行優者充之。臨壇大德科目自此始也。德宗貞元十二年。敕永泰寺置戒壇度僧。時歡喜和尚保唐禪宗並敕令受戒。至會昌大中中。玄暢通明律教。充內外臨壇大德。詳其內外之名。暢公之前已應有矣。昔薛道衡女德芳有才學。在太宗宮中。后愿出家。帝為造內鶴林寺。請十人大德入內受戒。此即內臨壇也。及懿宗。于咸泰殿築壇。度內福壽寺尼受大戒。兩街僧尼大德二十人。入玄暢預茲法席。故補內臨壇
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本：這種說法是錯誤的。按照這種說法，法琳稱臣，也是在早期。肅宗至德二年，他跟隨皇帝檢查藥師道場。內供奉僧人元皎上奏說，道場內生長了四十九棵李樹，表文中說：『臣等有幸成為臣子。』直到上元元年九月八日的敕令，才說：『今後僧尼朝會都不需要稱臣及禮拜。』這是因為開元年間命令僧道拜見時都稱臣，到這時才免除。大曆八年，又允許元日冬至朝賀時陪同官員。大概是因為代宗時期，君臣都非常尊重佛教。這也是長期污濁之後，隆盛到來，否定之後迎來泰運的規律。
臨壇法
壇上的員位按照戒律，中國僧人十人，尼姑二十人才能進行受戒。邊遠地區難以找到精通毗尼的律師，那麼允許僧人五人，尼姑十人就可以受戒（比丘五人，比丘尼五人）。這些聖人的話可以作為標準。近代尼姑只是在本眾之中，十個尼姑一起受戒，只能得到本法而已。這樣的戒月，才十二三個將圓未圓，必須二部僧中才能成就。根據代宗永泰年間，敕令京城設定僧尼臨壇大德各十人，就是按照戒律中的中國二十人。永遠作為通用的模式，缺少就補充。仍然選擇精通戒律、德行優秀的人來擔任。臨壇大德的科目從這時開始。德宗貞元十二年，敕令永泰寺設定戒壇度僧，當時歡喜和尚、保唐禪宗都被敕令受戒。到會昌、大中年間，玄暢、通明精通律教，擔任內外臨壇大德。詳細考察內外的名稱，暢公之前應該已經有了。以前薛道衡的女兒德芳有才學，在太宗宮中，後來希望出家。太宗為她建造了內鶴林寺，請十位大德入內受戒。這就是內臨壇。到懿宗時期，在咸泰殿築壇，為內福壽寺的尼姑授大戒。兩街的僧尼大德二十人，進入玄暢的法席，所以補充內臨壇。
【English Translation】 English version: This statement is incorrect. According to this, Fa Lin's (name of a monk) claim of being a subject was also in the early days. In the second year of Zhide during the reign of Emperor Suzong (reign title and emperor's name), he followed the emperor to inspect the Bhaisajyaguru (Medicine Buddha) Dharma assembly. The inner court monk Yuan Jiao reported that forty-nine plum trees grew in the Dharma assembly, and the memorial stated: 'Your servants are fortunate to be subjects.' It was not until the edict of the eighth day of the ninth month of the first year of Shangyuan (reign title) that it stated: 'From now on, monks and nuns do not need to claim to be subjects or bow during court assemblies.' This was because during the Kaiyuan (reign title) period, monks and Daoists were ordered to claim to be subjects when paying respects, and it was not until this time that it was abolished. In the eighth year of Dali (reign title), they were also allowed to accompany officials during the New Year's Day and Winter Solstice court congratulations. This was probably because during the reign of Emperor Daizong (emperor's name), both the emperor and his subjects highly respected Buddhism. This is also the law that after a long period of turbidity, prosperity arrives, and after negation, good fortune comes.
Ordination Platform Procedures
The positions on the platform should follow the Vinaya (monastic rules). In China, ten monks and twenty nuns are required for ordination. In remote areas where it is difficult to find Vinaya masters, five monks and ten nuns are allowed to perform the ordination (five Bhikkhus (fully ordained monks) and five Bhikkhunis (fully ordained nuns)). These words of the sages can be taken as the standard. In modern times, nuns only receive the basic precepts within their own community, with ten nuns together. Such a precept month is only twelve or thirteen days away from being full, and it must be accomplished with both monastic communities present. According to the records from the Yongtai (reign title) period of Emperor Daizong, an edict ordered the establishment of ten eminent monks and nuns as Preceptors for the Ordination Platform in the capital, which follows the Vinaya's requirement of twenty people in China. This should always be the standard model, and any deficiencies should be filled. Those who are knowledgeable in the Vinaya and have excellent moral conduct should be selected to fill these positions. The category of Ordination Platform Preceptors began from this time. In the twelfth year of Zhenyuan (reign title) during the reign of Emperor Dezong (emperor's name), an edict ordered the establishment of an ordination platform at Yongtai Temple to ordain monks. At that time, both the Venerable Huanxi (name of a monk) and the Baotang Chan (Zen school) were ordered to receive ordination. During the Huichang (reign title) and Dazhong (reign title) periods, Xuan Chang (name of a monk) and Tong Ming (name of a monk) were well-versed in the Vinaya and served as both internal and external Ordination Platform Preceptors. Examining the names 'internal' and 'external' in detail, they should have existed before Master Chang. Previously, Xue Daoheng's (name of a person) daughter, De Fang (name of a person), was talented and learned, and was in Emperor Taizong's (emperor's name) palace. Later, she wished to become a nun. Emperor Taizong built the Inner Helin Temple for her and invited ten eminent monks to administer the precepts inside. This is the 'internal' Ordination Platform. During the reign of Emperor Yizong (emperor's name), a platform was built in the Xiantai Hall to ordain the nuns of the Inner Fushou Temple with the full precepts. Twenty eminent monks and nuns from both streets entered Xuan Chang's Dharma assembly, so they supplemented the 'internal' Ordination Platform.
。咸通三年壬午歲四月一日。敕兩街僧尼。四寺各置方等戒壇。右街千福延唐二寺度人各三七日。暢公復預此數。故云內外臨壇大德。今有未臨內壇而自稱內外臨壇。良可笑也。又聞於時或以僧錄為宗主。不然則律宗極高者號宗主。僧錄則加臨壇選練之目也。梁後唐晉漢周唯行十師法。余有壇外員位更五六人而止矣。追思晉宋北齊北魏周隋梁陳。歷代帝王非不度僧。唯唐宣宗重洗懺方等壇。度僧不少。我大宋太平興國初年及七年。度僧一十七萬有餘。古之莫比。緇徒孔熾在於茲矣。
度僧規利
緬想前朝度僧相繼所開壇法無不利他。俄有澆時乃求利國。雖是權宜之制。終招負處之殃。今序少端用遮後世。唐肅宗在靈武。新立百度惟艱。最闕軍須。因成詭計。時宰臣裴冕隨駕至扶風。奏下令賣官鬻度。僧尼道士以軍儲為務。人有不願。科令就之。其價益賤事轉成弊。鬻度僧道。自冕始也。后諸征鎮尤而效焉。如徐州王智興奏置戒壇于臨淮佛寺。先納錢后與度。至有輸賄后不受法者多矣。李德祐在潤州。具奏其事云。自唐末已來。諸侯角立。稍闕軍須。則召度僧尼道士先納財。謂之香水錢。后給公牒云。念此為弊事。復毀法門吁哉。
賜謚號
僧循萬行故有跡焉。善行則謚以嘉名。惡行則人皆不
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本：咸通三年壬午年四月一日，敕令兩街（指長安城內的東西兩街）的僧尼，在四寺（指長安城內的四座著名寺廟）各自設定方等戒壇。右街的千福寺和延唐寺度人（剃度出家）各有三個七日（二十一天）。暢公也參與了這次度人活動，所以說『內外臨壇大德』。現在有人沒有參加內壇的活動，卻自稱『內外臨壇』，實在可笑。又聽說當時或者以僧錄司（管理僧尼事務的機構）的長官為宗主（主要負責人），不然就以律宗中地位最高的人號稱宗主。僧錄司的長官則加上『臨壇選練』的名目。梁、後唐、後晉、後漢、後周只施行十師法（即由十位律師共同主持授戒儀式）。其餘還有壇外員位，不過五六人而已。追憶晉、宋、北齊、北魏、北周、隋、梁、陳，歷代帝王並非不度僧，只有唐宣宗重新洗懺方等壇（整頓戒壇，重新進行懺悔儀式），度僧不少。我大宋太平興國初年及七年，度僧一十七萬有餘，古代沒有可以相比的。僧侶眾多，興盛就在於此了。
度僧的規矩和利益
回想前朝度僧，相繼開設戒壇，沒有不利於他人的。後來有時爲了求取利益以充實國庫，雖然是權宜之計，最終招致了不好的結果。現在敘述一些端倪，用來警示後世。唐肅宗在靈武（今寧夏靈武），新建立的制度百事艱難，最缺乏軍需物資，因此形成了一種詭異的計劃。當時宰相裴冕隨駕到達扶風（今陜西扶風），上奏下令賣官鬻度（賣官職和出家資格），僧尼道士以籌集軍用物資為任務。有人不願意，也被強制執行。價格越來越低，事情變得越來越糟糕。賣度牒給僧道，從裴冕開始。後來的各個藩鎮爭相效仿。例如徐州的王智興上奏在臨淮（今江蘇盱眙）的佛寺設定戒壇，先交錢后給度牒，甚至有交了錢后卻不接受出家儀式的。李德祐在潤州（今江蘇鎮江），詳細上奏了這件事，說：『自從唐朝末年以來，諸侯割據，稍微缺乏軍需，就召集僧尼道士先交錢，叫做香水錢，然後給公牒。』認為這是弊端，又毀壞佛法，可悲啊！
賜予謚號
僧人遵循萬行，所以有事蹟可尋。善行就賜予嘉美的謚號，惡行則人人...
【English Translation】 English version: In the third year of Xiantong (862 AD), on the first day of the fourth month, an imperial decree ordered the monks and nuns of the two streets (referring to the east and west streets of Chang'an city) to establish Fangdeng ordination platforms in their respective four temples (referring to the four famous temples in Chang'an city). Qianfu Temple and Yantang Temple in the Right Street each ordained people (ordained as monks) for three seven-day periods (twenty-one days). Abbot Chang also participated in this ordination activity, hence the saying 'great virtues attending the inner and outer platforms.' Now, some people who have not participated in the inner platform activities are calling themselves 'attending the inner and outer platforms,' which is truly laughable. It is also heard that at that time, either the head of the Sangha Registry (an organization managing monastic affairs) was the Sanghapati (chief person in charge), or the highest-ranking person in the Vinaya school was called the Sanghapati. The head of the Sangha Registry was then given the title of 'attending the platform for selection and training.' During the Liang, Later Tang, Later Jin, Later Han, and Later Zhou dynasties, only the ten-teacher method (i.e., the ordination ceremony was presided over by ten Vinaya masters) was practiced. There were only five or six additional positions outside the platform. Recalling the Jin, Song, Northern Qi, Northern Wei, Northern Zhou, Sui, Liang, and Chen dynasties, emperors of past dynasties did not refrain from ordaining monks, only Emperor Xuanzong of the Tang dynasty re-washed the repentance Fangdeng platform (rectified the ordination platform and re-conducted the repentance ceremony), ordaining a considerable number of monks. In the early years of the Taiping Xingguo era of our Great Song dynasty, and in the seventh year, more than 170,000 monks were ordained, which is unparalleled in ancient times. The flourishing of the monastic community lies in this.
Rules and Benefits of Ordaining Monks
Reflecting on the ordination of monks in previous dynasties, the successive establishment of ordination platforms was not detrimental to others. Later, at times, it was for seeking benefits to enrich the national treasury. Although it was an expedient measure, it ultimately led to unfavorable consequences. Now, I will narrate some clues to warn future generations. Emperor Suzong of the Tang dynasty was in Lingwu (present-day Lingwu, Ningxia). The newly established system faced many difficulties, and there was a severe shortage of military supplies, thus forming a devious plan. At that time, Chancellor Pei Mian accompanied the emperor to Fufeng (present-day Fufeng, Shaanxi), and submitted a memorial to issue an order to sell official positions and ordination certificates (selling official positions and monastic qualifications), with monks, nuns, and Taoists tasked with raising military supplies. Those who were unwilling were forced to comply. The price became increasingly low, and things became increasingly worse. The sale of ordination certificates to monks and Taoists began with Pei Mian. Later, various regional military commissioners vied to imitate him. For example, Wang Zhixing of Xuzhou submitted a memorial to establish an ordination platform in the Buddhist temple in Linhuai (present-day Xuyi, Jiangsu), first collecting money and then issuing ordination certificates, and there were even those who paid the money but did not receive the ordination ceremony. Li Deyou in Runzhou (present-day Zhenjiang, Jiangsu) submitted a detailed memorial about this matter, saying: 'Since the end of the Tang dynasty, the feudal lords have been vying for power, and whenever there is a slight shortage of military supplies, they summon monks, nuns, and Taoists to first pay money, called incense money, and then issue official documents.' Considering this to be a malpractice, they also destroyed the Dharma, alas!
Bestowing Posthumous Titles
Monks follow myriad practices, so there are traces to be found. Good deeds are bestowed with auspicious posthumous titles, while evil deeds are...
齒。是以六群比丘終非杜多之號。六和勝士方旌所易之名。自漢魏晉宋。無聞斯禮。後魏重高僧法果。生署之以官。死幸之而臨(去聲)乃追贈胡靈公。此僧謚之始也(果為沙門統。封公爵。追贈胡靈謚也)原此出於太常寺矣。後周隋世唐初皆不行。至天后朝。有北宗神秀居荊州。神龍二年。詔賜謚大通禪師矣。又有西域菩提留支。長壽二年。至洛陽止授記寺。神龍二年。隨駕西京。住崇福寺翻經。中宗睿宗曾親筆授。開元中年一百五十六歲。敕賜鴻臚卿。卒謚一切遍知三藏。又沙門一行卒謚大慧禪師。文宗朝謚端甫為大達法師。宣宗謚廬山慧遠為大覺法師。懿宗謚南山道宣為澄照大師。此後諸道奏舉名僧逸士。朝廷加謚。累代有之。
菩薩僧
昔漢魏晉朝。沙門名號用舍不同。故有號竺法護。為燉煌菩薩。及天竺菩薩。竺佛朔。月支菩薩。支讖等。偽國不聞此說。後周太武皇帝廢釋道二教。建德三年。詔擇釋道有名德者。別立道觀。改形服為學士。帝賜小道安牙笏。位以朝列不就。尋武帝崩天元宣帝立。意欲漸興佛教。未便除先帝之制。大象元年敕曰。太武皇帝為嫌濁穢。廢而不立。朕簡耆舊學業僧二百二十人。勿翦發毀形。于東西二京陟岵寺。為國行道所資公給。時有高僧智藏。姓荀氏。建德二年。
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本：因此，六群比丘（指行為不端的比丘）終究不能被稱為『杜多』（苦行）之名，只有六和勝士（指遵守六和敬的比丘）才配得上這美名。自漢、魏、晉、宋以來，從未聽說過這種禮儀。後魏時期，重視高僧法果（人名），活著的時候授予他官職，去世后皇帝親自臨喪，並追贈他為胡靈公。這是僧人謚號的開始（法果曾任沙門統，被封為公爵，追贈謚號為胡靈）。這源於太常寺。後周、隋朝、唐朝初期都沒有實行這種制度。直到天后（武則天）時期，北宗神秀（禪師名）居住在荊州，神龍二年，皇帝下詔賜予他『大通禪師』的謚號。還有西域的菩提留支（譯經師名），長壽二年到達洛陽，住在授記寺。神龍二年，跟隨皇帝前往西京，住在崇福寺翻譯佛經。中宗、睿宗曾親自賜予他稱號。開元年間，他一百五十六歲時去世，皇帝敕賜他鴻臚卿，謚號為『一切遍知三藏』。又有沙門一行（人名），去世后謚號為『大慧禪師』。文宗朝謚端甫（人名）為『大達法師』。宣宗謚廬山慧遠（人名）為『大覺法師』。懿宗謚南山道宣（人名）為『澄照大師』。此後，各地官員舉薦名僧逸士，朝廷加以謚號，歷代都有這種情況。 昔日漢魏晉時期，沙門（出家人）的名號使用各不相同。所以有竺法護（人名），被稱為『燉煌菩薩』，以及『天竺菩薩』。竺佛朔（人名），被稱為『月支菩薩』。支讖（人名）等。偽國（指一些地方政權）沒有聽說過這種說法。後周太武皇帝廢除佛教和道教。建德三年，下詔選擇佛教和道教中有名望和德行的人，另外建立道觀，改變他們的服裝，成為學士。皇帝賜予小道安（人名）牙笏，讓他位列朝廷，但他沒有接受。不久，武帝去世，天元宣帝即位，想要逐漸興盛佛教，但沒有立即廢除先帝的制度。大象元年，下敕令說：『太武皇帝因為嫌棄佛教的污穢，所以廢除而不設立。朕選拔年老有學業的僧人二百二十人，不剃髮毀形，在東西二京的陟岵寺，為國家修行，所需費用由公家供給。』當時有高僧智藏（人名），姓荀氏，建德二年，
【English Translation】 English version: Therefore, the Six Groups of Bhikshus (referring to monks with misconduct) ultimately cannot be called by the name 'Duta' (ascetic practice); only the Six Harmonious Worthies (referring to monks who observe the Six Harmonies) are worthy of this beautiful name. Since the Han, Wei, Jin, and Song dynasties, there has been no mention of this etiquette. During the Later Wei period, Emperor Chonggao valued the eminent monk Faguǒ (personal name), granting him an official position while he was alive, and personally attending his funeral after his death, posthumously bestowing upon him the title of Duke Huling. This was the beginning of posthumous titles for monks (Faguǒ once served as the head of the Sangha, was granted the title of Duke, and posthumously given the title Huling). This originated from the Taichang Temple. The Later Zhou, Sui, and early Tang dynasties did not implement this system. It was not until the era of Empress Tianhou (Wu Zetian) that Shenxiu (a Chan master), of the Northern School, resided in Jingzhou. In the second year of Shenlong, the emperor issued an edict bestowing upon him the posthumous title of 'Greatly Penetrating Chan Master'. There was also Bodhiruchi (a translator), from the Western Regions, who arrived in Luoyang in the second year of Changshou and resided in Shouji Temple. In the second year of Shenlong, he followed the emperor to the Western Capital and resided in Chongfu Temple to translate Buddhist scriptures. Emperors Zhongzong and Ruizong personally bestowed titles upon him. In the middle of the Kaiyuan era, at the age of one hundred and fifty-six, he passed away, and the emperor ordered that he be granted the title of Honglu Qing, with the posthumous title of 'Omniscient Tripitaka Master'. There was also the Shramana Yixing (personal name), who was posthumously given the title of 'Great Wisdom Chan Master'. During the reign of Emperor Wenzong, Duanfu (personal name) was posthumously titled 'Greatly Attained Dharma Master'. Emperor Xuanzong posthumously titled Huìyuan of Mount Lu (personal name) 'Greatly Enlightened Dharma Master'. Emperor Yizong posthumously titled Daoxuan of Mount Nanshan (personal name) 'Master of Clear Illumination'. From then on, officials in various regions recommended famous monks and hermits, and the imperial court bestowed posthumous titles upon them, which occurred throughout successive dynasties. In the past, during the Han, Wei, and Jin dynasties, the titles of Shramanas (monks) were used differently. Therefore, there was Zhu Fahu (personal name), who was called 'Dunhuang Bodhisattva', as well as 'Indian Bodhisattva'. Zhu Foshuo (personal name) was called 'Yuezhi Bodhisattva'. Zhichen (personal name), and others. This saying was not heard in the pseudo-states (referring to some local regimes). Emperor Taiwu of the Later Zhou dynasty abolished Buddhism and Taoism. In the third year of Jiande, he issued an edict to select those with fame and virtue from Buddhism and Taoism, to establish Taoist temples separately, change their clothing, and become scholars. The emperor bestowed upon Xiao Dao'an (personal name) a tablet, allowing him to be ranked in the court, but he did not accept it. Soon after, Emperor Taiwu passed away, and Emperor Xuandi of Tianyuan ascended the throne, wanting to gradually prosper Buddhism, but did not immediately abolish the system of the previous emperor. In the first year of Daxiang, he issued an edict saying: 'Emperor Taiwu abolished Buddhism because he disliked its impurity. We have selected two hundred and twenty elderly monks with learning, without shaving their heads or destroying their forms, in the Zihù Temples of the Eastern and Western Capitals, to practice for the country, and the expenses will be provided by the government.' At that time, there was the eminent monk Zhicang (personal name), whose surname was Xun, in the second year of Jiande,
隱終南紫閣峰。至宣帝時出謁。敕令長髮。為菩薩僧。作陟岵寺主。大象二年。隋文作相。藏謁之。因得落髮。又釋彥琮不願為通道觀學士。以其菩薩僧須戴花冠衣瓔珞像菩薩相。高僧惡作此形。非佛制也。初立通道觀員。置百二十人。選釋李門人有當代名行者。著衣冠笏履。為通道觀學士(於時僧道混然大較是令毀戒僧入道也)有前沙門樊普曠者。彭亨調笑。帝頗重之。抑入通道。退常剪髮留須。帝問。對曰。臣學陛下。二教雖除。猶存通道。須為俗飾故留。發非俗教故遣。帝曰。俗有留髮。加冠何言非教。曠曰。無發之士豈是無教耶。臣愿加之冠何損。自爾常淨髮著冠纓。人問。答曰。我患熱也。又靈干者初簡入菩薩僧。後方剃髮矣。究其心遊佛理。行切苦空。證聖之深。登地以去。則無沙門之形也。佛法污隆。王臣製作。遇其抑勒。知復奈何。凡百學徒觀此思事。
得道證果
問曰。竺乾化境證果人多。何以法被中華窈無軌跡。答曰。我教以信解修證為階。若信佛言則解佛意。當修聖行必登果證也。又以教理行果四種撿之。則時有正法。像法去聖如近。四種猶全。望聖才遙。四種多缺矣。或曰。服食素治己病。病損連服必至長生。長生不已則白日上升。豈非目擊。何釋門罕聞此驗耶。答曰。譬猶下
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本 隱居在終南山的紫閣峰。到了宣帝時期出來謁見。皇帝下令讓他留長頭髮，作為菩薩僧，擔任陟岵寺的住持。大象二年，隋文帝擔任丞相時，藏某去拜見他，因此得以落髮爲僧。另外，釋彥琮不願意擔任通道觀的學士，因為當時的菩薩僧需要戴花冠，身穿瓔珞，模仿菩薩的形象。高僧們厭惡製作這種形象，認為這並非佛制。最初設立通道觀時，設定了一百二十個員額，選拔釋李的門人中當代有名望的修行者，讓他們穿戴衣冠笏履，擔任通道觀的學士（當時僧道混雜，大概是想讓毀戒的僧人進入道教）。之前有個沙門名叫樊普曠，彭亨調笑，皇帝很看重他，強行讓他進入通道觀。樊普曠退下後常常剪頭髮留鬍鬚。皇帝問他原因，他回答說：『臣學習陛下。雖然二教被廢除，但還保留著通道觀。鬍鬚是世俗的裝飾，所以留下；頭髮不是世俗的教派，所以剪掉。』皇帝說：『世俗也有留頭髮、戴帽子的，怎麼說頭髮不是世俗的教派？』樊普曠說：『沒有頭髮的人難道就沒有教派嗎？臣願意戴上帽子又有什麼損失呢？』從此以後，樊普曠常常剃乾淨頭髮，戴上冠纓。別人問他原因，他回答說：『我怕熱。』還有靈干，最初被選入菩薩僧，後來才剃髮。探究他的內心，游心於佛理，行為切合苦空，證悟的境界很深，登地以上。只是沒有沙門的外形罷了。佛法的興盛衰落，由王臣的製作決定。遇到他們壓制，又能怎麼樣呢？希望所有學佛的人都能思考這件事。 得道證果 問：在印度證得果位的人很多，為什麼佛法傳到中國后，卻幾乎沒有證果的軌跡？答：我們的教法以信、解、修、證為階梯。如果相信佛的話，就能理解佛的意旨；如果修行聖人的行為，必定能證得果位。又可以用教、理、行、果四種來檢驗。在正法時期，像法時期，距離聖人較近，四種都還齊全。現在距離聖人遙遠，四種大多缺失了。有人說：『服用素食來治療疾病，疾病減輕后連續服用，必定能達到長生不老。長生不老之後就能白日飛昇，這難道不是親眼所見嗎？為什麼佛門很少聽說這種驗證呢？』答：譬如低下
【English Translation】 English version He lived in seclusion at Zigefeng (Purple Pavilion Peak) in Zhongnan Mountain. He came out to have an audience with Emperor Xuan. The emperor ordered him to grow his hair long and become a Bodhisattva monk, serving as the abbot of Zhihu Temple. In the second year of the Daxing era, when Emperor Wen of Sui was the prime minister, Zang visited him and was thus able to shave his head and become a monk. Furthermore, Shi Yancong was unwilling to serve as a scholar in the Tongdao Temple (Universal Way Temple) because the Bodhisattva monks at that time were required to wear floral crowns and adorn themselves with necklaces, imitating the appearance of Bodhisattvas. Eminent monks detested creating such images, considering it not in accordance with Buddhist precepts. Initially, when the Tongdao Temple was established, one hundred and twenty positions were created. Disciples of Shi Li who were renowned practitioners of the time were selected to wear official robes, hats, and shoes, serving as scholars in the Tongdao Temple (at that time, there was a mixture of monks and Daoists, largely intended to allow monks who had broken their precepts to enter Daoism). There was a former Shramana named Fan Pukuang, who was witty and humorous, and the emperor valued him highly, forcibly inducting him into the Tongdao Temple. After retiring, Fan Pukuang often cut his hair but kept his beard. When the emperor asked him why, he replied, 'Your subject is learning from Your Majesty. Although the two religions have been abolished, the Tongdao Temple remains. The beard is a secular adornment, so I keep it; hair is not a secular teaching, so I cut it.' The emperor said, 'Secular people also keep their hair and wear hats, how can you say that hair is not a secular teaching?' Fan Pukuang said, 'Are those without hair without teachings? What harm is there if your subject wears a hat?' From then on, Fan Pukuang often shaved his head clean and wore a hat with tassels. When people asked him why, he replied, 'I am hot.' Also, Linggan was initially selected to be a Bodhisattva monk, and only later did he shave his head. Examining his heart, he wandered in Buddhist principles, his actions aligned with suffering and emptiness, and his realization was profound, reaching beyond the stages of the Bodhisattva path. It was just that he did not have the appearance of a Shramana. The flourishing or decline of Buddhism is determined by the actions of kings and ministers. When they suppress it, what can be done? May all students of Buddhism contemplate this matter. Attaining the Path and Realizing Fruition Question: In India, there were many people who attained fruition. Why is it that after Buddhism was transmitted to China, there are hardly any traces of those who attained fruition? Answer: Our teachings use faith, understanding, practice, and realization as steps. If one believes in the words of the Buddha, one can understand the Buddha's intention; if one practices the actions of the saints, one will surely attain fruition. Furthermore, we can examine it with the four aspects of teaching, principle, practice, and fruition. During the Proper Dharma period and the Semblance Dharma period, which were closer to the sages, all four aspects were complete. Now, we are far from the sages, and the four aspects are mostly lacking. Someone said, 'Taking vegetarian food to treat one's illness, and continuing to take it after the illness is alleviated, will surely lead to longevity. After achieving longevity, one can ascend to heaven in broad daylight. Isn't this something that can be witnessed with one's own eyes? Why is it that such verification is rarely heard of in Buddhism?' Answer: It is like lowering
種。秋成各殊。彼以尸解上升爲極。我則斷障出纏。由賢入聖。然後遊戲神通而作佛事。為化利有情之故。豈同其自了自遷而為極事也。如其要知。略陳梗概。案漢法本內傳。摩騰角法既勝。踴身虛空說偈等。此現通驗果證之始也。又安清度䢼亭湖蛇。了三世殘業。次則天臺飛錫。瓜步浮杯。真諦敷坐具而涉江。圖澄開腹腸而洗凈。道開石子而充食。乞僧羊酒而卻存。法進足離地而行。跋摩蹈席華而潔。法雲公日行萬里。僧伽師身現泗濱。如此諸師還得果不。我宗中重生故名生論一中。本待生故而獲大果也。他宗重往故名生生身。乘剛躡桷。何為究盡。無以白日上升。少許修煉而比于無漏業。資現神逞變之作也。何云罕見聞耶。自聵其耳。非雷霆之吝聲也。
尼附
晉代有尼凈撿。此方女人得戒之上首也。一旦中庭有光。上屬於天。若虹霓狀。中有天女。相見欣然攜手。撿遂引弟子躡光而去。又桓宣武窺尼入浴室。見其刲割可畏。出而無他。蓋以誡宣武溫。由是滅其跋扈。又隋尼智仙知文帝當爲天子。通變不測。厥徒實繁。略舉尤者。尼女尚然。況丈夫釋子者乎。
大秦末尼(胡神也。官品令有祆正)
火祆(火煙切)教法本起大波斯國。號蘇魯支。有弟子名玄真。習師之法。居波斯國。大
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本 他們（其他宗派）認為通過尸解（shī jiě，道教的一種成仙方式，指人死後遺體如常，但已脫殼成仙）上升是最高的境界，而我們（佛教）則是斷除煩惱障礙，脫離輪迴束縛，從賢位進入聖位，然後運用神通來做佛事，爲了教化利益有情眾生。這怎麼能和他們那種只求自我解脫、自我遷化的做法相提並論呢？如果想了解更多，我可以簡單介紹一下大概情況。根據《漢法本內傳》記載，摩騰（Mó Téng，兩位最早將佛教傳入中國的僧侶之一）在角法（jiǎo fǎ，指辯論佛法）中獲勝后，騰身飛入空中，宣說偈語等等，這就是展現神通、驗證果位的開始。還有安清（Ān Qīng，安世高，早期譯經大師）在䢼亭湖（qiū tíng hú）降服蛇，了結了三世的殘餘業報。再比如天臺（Tiāntāi，指天臺宗）的僧人飛錫（fēi xī，指僧人手持的錫杖飛起），瓜步（guā bù）的僧人浮杯（fú bēi，指用杯子漂浮過河）。真諦（Zhēndì，佛教翻譯家）鋪開坐具渡過長江，圖澄（Tú Chéng，後趙時僧人，以神通著稱）剖開腹部清洗內臟，道開（Dào Kāi，唐代僧人）把石頭變成食物，接受別人供養的羊肉和酒卻又讓它們存在。法進（Fǎ Jìn，南北朝時僧人）雙腳離地行走，跋摩（Bámó，西晉僧人）在華麗的坐席上行走卻一塵不染，法雲公（Fǎ Yún Gōng）一天能走一萬里路，僧伽師（Sēngqié Shī，唐代僧人，被認為是觀音菩薩的化身）在泗濱（Sìbīn）顯現真身。這些高僧大德難道沒有證得果位嗎？我們宗門重視今生的修行，所以《生論》（shēng lùn）中說，本來就應該重視今生的修行才能獲得大的果報。其他宗派重視來世，所以說『生生身』（shēng shēng shēn）。像他們那樣在屋頂上行走，又怎麼能算是究竟呢？不能用白日飛昇、少許修煉來和無漏業（wú lòu yè，沒有煩惱的善業）相比，這只是展現神通變化而已，怎麼能說罕見呢？這只是他們自己聽不見罷了，不是雷霆吝嗇發出聲音。
【English Translation】 English version They (other schools) consider ascending through 'corpse liberation' (shī jiě, a Taoist practice of becoming immortal where the body remains intact after death, but the spirit has ascended) as the ultimate achievement. We (Buddhists), however, focus on severing obstacles and entanglements, progressing from the stage of a virtuous person to that of a sage, and then employing supernatural powers to perform Buddhist deeds for the sake of teaching and benefiting sentient beings. How can this be compared to their self-centered pursuit of self-liberation and self-transformation? If you wish to know more, I can briefly outline the general situation. According to the 'Inner Biography of the Han Dharma,' when Mātanga (Mó Téng, one of the first monks to bring Buddhism to China) won the Dharma debate, he rose into the sky, recited verses, and so on. This was the beginning of demonstrating supernatural powers and verifying the attainment of enlightenment. Furthermore, Ān Qīng (Ān Shìgāo, an early translator of Buddhist scriptures) subdued a snake in Qiū Tíng Lake, settling the residual karma of three lifetimes. Then there was the monk of Tiāntāi (referring to the Tiantai school) who flew with his staff (fēi xī, referring to the flying of the monk's staff), and the monk of Guā Bù (guā bù) who floated across the river on a cup (fú bēi, referring to floating across the river on a cup). Paramārtha (Zhēndì, a Buddhist translator) spread his seat to cross the Yangtze River, and Tú Chéng (Tú Chéng, a monk during the Later Zhao dynasty, known for his supernatural powers) opened his abdomen to wash his internal organs. Dào Kāi (Dào Kāi, a monk of the Tang dynasty) turned stones into food, accepted offerings of mutton and wine but kept them intact. Fǎ Jìn (Fǎ Jìn, a monk of the Southern and Northern Dynasties) walked with his feet off the ground, and Bámó (Bámó, a monk of the Western Jin dynasty) walked on a luxurious seat without getting it dirty. Fǎ Yún Gōng could travel ten thousand miles a day, and Saṃghasena (Sēngqié Shī, a monk of the Tang dynasty, considered an incarnation of Avalokiteśvara) manifested his true form in Sìbīn. Did these eminent monks not attain enlightenment? Our school emphasizes cultivation in this life, so the 'Treatise on Existence' (shēng lùn) states that one should value cultivation in this life to attain great rewards. Other schools emphasize the next life, hence the term 'successive existences' (shēng shēng shēn). How can walking on rooftops be considered ultimate? One cannot compare ascending in broad daylight and minor cultivation to the karma of non-outflow (wú lòu yè, virtuous karma without defilements), which is merely a display of supernatural transformations. How can it be said to be rare? It is only that they themselves cannot hear it; it is not that thunder is reluctant to sound.
總長如火山。後行化于中國。貞觀五年。有傳法穆護何祿。將祆教詣闕聞奏。敕令長安崇化坊立祆寺。號大秦寺。又名波斯寺。開元二十年八月十五日。敕末尼本是邪見。妄稱佛教。誑惑黎元。以西胡等既是師法。當身自行。不須科罰。至天寶四年七月。波斯敕經教出自大秦。傳習而來。久行中國。爰初建寺。因以為名。將欲示人。必循其本。其兩京波斯寺宜改為大秦寺。天下諸州郡有者準此。大曆三年六月。敕回紇置寺。宜賜額大云光明之寺。六年正月又敕荊越洪等州。各置大云光明寺一所。武宗會昌三年敕。天下摩尼寺並廢入宮。京城女摩尼七十二人死。及在此國。回紇諸摩尼等配流諸道。死者大半。五年再敕。大秦穆護火祆等二千餘人並勒還俗。然而未盡根荄。時分蔓衍。梁貞明六年。陳州末尼黨類立母乙為天子。發兵討之。生擒母乙。餘黨械送闕下。斬于都市。初陳州里俗喜習左道。依浮圖之教。自立一宗。號上上乘。不食葷茹。誘化庸民。糅雜淫穢。宵集晝散。因刺史惠王友能動多不法。由是妖賊嘯聚。累討未平。及貞明中。誅斬方盡。後唐石晉時。復潛興。推一人為主。百事稟從。或畫一魔王踞座佛為其洗足云。佛止大乘。此乃上上乘也。蓋影傍佛教。所謂相似道也。或有比丘。為饑凍故往往隨之效利。
有識者尚遠離之。此法誘人直到地獄。慎之哉。
駕頭床子
盛經七寶案也。其制度以雜瑰珍間填成之。款其足高其緣。所置之經即仁王護國也。所覆之巾即上深紅羅也。使中宮謹愿者馬上平持舒徐而啟行。望乘輿可百步。以為前道也。此之儀制未知始端。如秦譯經云。作七寶案。以經置上。若王行時。常于其前。足滿百步。令千里內七難不起。若王住時。作七寶帳置經。供養如事父母。如事帝釋。唐譯本云。置經寶案。若王行時。常導其前。所在住處。作七寶帳。余文大同。今疑行此。為後秦邪。為唐世邪。輿服志無文。諸朝史闕載。然則既亡明據。可以理求。蓋唐代宗永泰中。不空三藏重譯後置也。不空嘗誦此經中咒。感天王子領神兵解安西城羌胡之圍。又祈晴雨多驗。於時可以請依經置案以象其前驅。秘其事故。史氏莫知也。唐紀云。永泰中羌胡𡨥邊。京城戒嚴。又因星變。內出仁王經兩卷。與付資聖西湖二佛寺。開百座仁王道場。撿此知。永泰為始也。又或百座法筵時。帝親臨御。壇儀中合用寶案置經引駕。因而不廢也。有云。玄宗累置百座道場。莫起開元中邪。今謂明皇薄于釋氏。難行斯法也。然雖薄于釋氏。而且厚於好奇。兩說之中。與其代宗可矣。又未知經是何本。若是舊譯。則玄宗以前
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 有見識的人尚且要遠離它。這種方法引誘人直到地獄，務必謹慎啊。
駕頭床子
這是盛放經書的七寶案。它的製作方法是用各種珍貴的寶石填充而成。案子的腳要高，邊緣也要高。放置在上面的經書就是《仁王護國經》。覆蓋在上面的巾是深紅色的羅。讓宮中謹慎恭敬的人馬上平穩地拿著它，緩緩地行走。期望距離皇帝的車駕大約一百步，作為前導。這種儀式的制度不知道從什麼時候開始的。如鳩摩羅什翻譯的經書上說，製作七寶案，把經書放在上面。如果國王出行時，常常在國王前面，距離一百步。使千里之內七種災難不起。如果國王停留時，製作七寶帳篷放置經書，供養經書如同侍奉父母，如同侍奉帝釋天。唐朝翻譯的版本說，放置經書在寶案上。如果國王出行時，常常引導在國王前面。在居住的地方，製作七寶帳篷。其餘的文字大致相同。現在懷疑這種做法，是後秦時期的呢，還是唐朝時期的呢？《輿服志》沒有記載，各朝代的史書也沒有記載。既然沒有明確的依據，可以用道理來推求。大概是唐代宗永泰年間，不空三藏重新翻譯後設置的。不空曾經誦讀此經中的咒語，感應天王子率領神兵解除了安西城羌胡的圍困。又祈求晴雨多次應驗。當時可以請求依照經書設定寶案來象徵前導。隱秘這件事，史官不知道罷了。《唐紀》記載，永泰年間羌胡侵擾邊境，京城震動。又因為星象變化，宮中拿出《仁王經》兩卷，交給資聖寺和西湖寺兩個佛寺，開設百座仁王道場。考察這些可以知道，永泰年間是開始。又或者百座法筵時，皇帝親自駕臨，壇儀中應該用寶案放置經書引導皇帝的車駕，因此沒有廢止。有人說，玄宗多次設定百座道場，莫非是從開元年間開始的？現在認為唐玄宗輕視佛教，難以實行這種做法。然而雖然輕視佛教，而且重視好奇的事物。兩種說法之中，寧可相信是代宗時期。又不知道經書是哪個版本。如果是舊的譯本，那麼在玄宗以前。
【English Translation】 English version: Those with knowledge should stay away from it. This method lures people all the way to hell. Be cautious!
Jia Tou Chuang Zi (Carriage Head Bed)
This is a seven-treasure table for holding scriptures. Its construction involves filling it with various precious gems. The legs of the table should be high, and the edges should also be high. The scripture placed on it is the 'Benevolent Kings Sutra for Protecting the Country'. The cloth covering it is deep red silk. Let a cautious and respectful person from the palace hold it steadily and walk slowly. It is expected to be about a hundred paces away from the emperor's carriage, serving as a guide. The system of this ritual is not known from when it started. As the scripture translated by Kumarajiva says, make a seven-treasure table and place the scripture on it. If the king travels, it is often in front of the king, a hundred paces away. So that the seven disasters within a thousand miles do not arise. If the king stays, make a seven-treasure tent to place the scripture, and offer it as if serving parents, as if serving Indra. The Tang Dynasty translation says, place the scripture on a treasure table. If the king travels, it often leads in front of the king. In the place of residence, make a seven-treasure tent. The rest of the text is roughly the same. Now I suspect this practice, is it from the Later Qin period, or the Tang Dynasty period? The 'Records of Carriages and Clothing' does not record it, and the historical books of various dynasties do not record it. Since there is no clear basis, it can be sought by reason. It was probably set up during the Yongtai period of Emperor Daizong of the Tang Dynasty after the Tripitaka Master Bukong re-translated it. Bukong once recited the mantra in this scripture, and the heavenly prince led the divine soldiers to relieve the siege of the Qiang and Hu in Anxi City. And praying for sunny and rainy weather was often effective. At that time, you can request to set up a treasure table according to the scriptures to symbolize the guide. Hiding this matter, the historians did not know it. The 'Tang Ji' records that during the Yongtai period, the Qiang and Hu invaded the border, and the capital was shaken. Also, because of changes in the stars, the palace took out two volumes of the 'Benevolent Kings Sutra' and gave them to the two Buddhist temples of Zisheng Temple and Xihu Temple to open a hundred seats of Benevolent Kings Dojo. Examining these, we can know that the Yongtai period was the beginning. Or, during the hundred-seat Dharma banquet, the emperor personally arrived, and the altar ceremony should use a treasure table to place the scriptures to guide the emperor's carriage, so it was not abolished. Some people say that Emperor Xuanzong set up a hundred dojos many times, could it have started in the Kaiyuan period? Now it is believed that Emperor Xuanzong of the Ming Dynasty despised Buddhism and it was difficult to implement this practice. However, although he despised Buddhism, he also valued curious things. Among the two statements, it is better to believe that it was during the Daizong period. Also, I don't know which version of the scripture it is. If it is an old translation, then before Xuanzong.
。如用新經。則代宗為始也。自後諸帝或設而不作。則說案上無經。或置而勿論。則云儀注合用。此蓋弗知而不加鄭重矣。今大宋法物克全用之引導群下。迎望見此。知駕近百步矣語其功也。與辟惡之車殊形而共致焉。
城阇天王
凡城門置天王者。為護世也。唐天寶元年壬子歲。西蕃大石康居五國來𡨥安西。其年二月十一日。奏請兵解援。玄宗詔發師。計一萬餘里。累月方到。時近臣言。且可詔問不空三藏。帝依奏詔入內。持念請天王。為救帝秉香罏。不空誦仁王護國經陀羅尼二七遍。帝忽見神人可五百員帶甲荷戈在殿前。帝驚疑問不空。對曰。此毗沙門第二子獨健領兵。是必副陛下意。往救安西。故來辭耳。請設食發遣。其年四月。安西奏云。去二月十一日已后。城東北三十里。雲霧晦冥。中有人眾。可長丈餘。皆被金甲。至酉時。鼓角大鳴。聲振三百里。地動山傾。經二日。大石康居等五國。當時奔潰。諸帳幕間有金毛鼠。嚙斷弓弩弦及器仗。悉不堪用。斯須城樓上有光明。天王現形。無不見者。謹圖天王樣。隨表進呈。帝因敕諸道節度。所在州府于城西北隅。各置天王形像部從供養。至於佛寺。亦敕別院安置。迄今朔日州府上香華食饌動歌舞。謂之樂天王也。所號毗沙門者。由此天王與于闐國最
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本：如果使用新的經典，那麼代宗皇帝是起始。自那以後，各位皇帝有時設立而不實行，就說案上沒有經典；有時設定而不重視，就說儀式註解可以通用。這大概是不瞭解而不加以鄭重對待啊。現在大宋朝的法物能夠完全使用它來引導眾人，迎接遠望時見到這些，就知道皇帝的車駕已經接近百步了，這是說它的功用啊。與辟邪的車子外形不同而作用相同。
城阇天王（守護城門的天王，為護世而設）。
凡是在城門設定天王像的，是爲了守護世界。唐朝天寶元年壬子年，西蕃、大石、康居等五個國家來侵犯安西。那年二月十一日，安西上奏請求派兵解救。玄宗皇帝下詔發兵。計算路程有一萬多里，經過幾個月才到達。當時有近臣說，可以詔問不空三藏（Amoghavajra，唐代密宗高僧）。皇帝依從奏請，召不空入宮。不空持念，祈請天王（Vaisravana，佛教護法神），為皇帝拿著香爐。不空誦唸《仁王護國經》陀羅尼咒十四遍。皇帝忽然看見神人大約五百名，身穿盔甲，手持武器，在殿前。皇帝驚奇地詢問不空。不空回答說：『這是毗沙門（Vaisravana）天王的第二個兒子獨健率領的軍隊，一定是順應陛下的意願，前去救援安西，所以前來辭行。』請設定齋飯遣送他們。那年四月，安西上奏說：『從二月十一日以後，城東北三十里處，雲霧昏暗，其中有人眾，大約有一丈多高，都穿著金甲。到酉時，鼓角大鳴，聲音震動三百里，地動山搖。』經過兩天，大石、康居等五個國家，當時就潰敗了。各個帳幕之間有金毛鼠，咬斷弓弩的弦和器械，全部不能使用。一會兒，城樓上有光明，天王顯現身形，沒有誰看不見。謹將天王的畫像繪製下來，隨同奏表進呈。皇帝因此敕令各道節度使，在各州府的城西北角，各自設定天王的形像和部從，進行供養。至於佛寺，也敕令在別院安置。直到現在，每月初一，州府都會供奉香花食品，演奏歌舞，稱之為樂天王。所稱的毗沙門天王，是因為這位天王與于闐國（Khotan）最
【English Translation】 English version: If new scriptures are used, Emperor Daizong is the originator. Since then, emperors sometimes established them without implementing them, saying there were no scriptures on the table; sometimes they set them up but did not pay attention to them, saying the ritual annotations could be used generally. This was probably because they did not understand and did not treat them with due respect. Now, the Dharma objects of the Great Song Dynasty can be fully used to guide the masses. When welcoming and looking from afar, seeing these, they know that the emperor's carriage is approaching within a hundred steps, which speaks to its merit. It has a different shape from the evil-averting chariot but achieves the same effect.
City Gate Heavenly King (guardian deity placed at city gates to protect the world).
Whenever Heavenly Kings are placed at city gates, it is to protect the world. In the Renzi year of the first year of Tianbao in the Tang Dynasty, the five countries of Xifan, Dashi, Kangju, etc., came to invade Anxi. On the eleventh day of the second month of that year, Anxi requested military assistance. Emperor Xuanzong issued an edict to send troops. The journey was calculated to be more than ten thousand li, and it took several months to arrive. At that time, a close minister said that it would be possible to ask the Tripitaka Master Amoghavajra (Bu Kong Sanzang, a prominent Tantric monk of the Tang Dynasty). The emperor followed the suggestion and summoned Amoghavajra into the palace. Amoghavajra held the incense burner and prayed to the Heavenly King (Vaisravana, a Buddhist guardian deity), for the emperor. Amoghavajra recited the Dharani mantra of the Benevolent King Protecting the Country Sutra fourteen times. The emperor suddenly saw about five hundred divine beings, wearing armor and holding weapons, in front of the palace. The emperor was surprised and asked Amoghavajra. Amoghavajra replied, 'This is the second son of Heavenly King Vaisravana, Dujian, leading the troops. He must be following Your Majesty's will to go to rescue Anxi, so he has come to bid farewell.' Please set up a vegetarian meal to send them off. In the fourth month of that year, Anxi reported, 'From the eleventh day of the second month onwards, thirty li northeast of the city, the clouds and fog were dim, and there were crowds of people, about ten feet tall, all wearing golden armor. At You time, the drums and horns sounded loudly, the sound shook three hundred li, the ground shook and the mountains swayed.' After two days, the five countries of Dashi, Kangju, etc., collapsed at that time. Among the tents, there were golden-haired rats that bit off the strings of bows and crossbows and the weapons, all of which were unusable. After a while, there was light on the city tower, and the Heavenly King appeared, and no one could not see him. I respectfully drew the image of the Heavenly King and presented it along with the memorial. The emperor therefore ordered the regional military commissioners of various circuits to set up images of the Heavenly King and his retinue in the northwest corner of the cities of each prefecture and offer them worship. As for Buddhist temples, he also ordered them to be placed in separate courtyards. Until now, on the first day of each month, the prefectures offer incense, flowers, food, and perform songs and dances, which is called 'Enjoying the Heavenly King.' The so-called Heavenly King Vaisravana is because this Heavenly King is most closely associated with the Kingdom of Khotan.
有因緣。偏多應現於闐國。是毗沙部故號毗沙門天王。如言于闐國天王也。亦猶觀音菩薩所在現形而偏曰寶陀落山觀音同也。
上元放燈
案漢法本內傳云。佛教初來。與道士角試。燒經像無損而發光。又西域十二月三十日。是此方正月十五日。謂之大神變月。漢明敕令燒燈。表佛法大明也。一云。此由漢武祭五時神祠。通夜設燎。蓋取周禮司爟氏燒燎照祭祀。后率為故事矣。然則本乎司爟舉火供祭祀職。至東漢。用之表佛法大明也。加以累朝沿革必匪常規。唐先天二年。西域僧沙陀。請以正月十五日然燈。開元二十八年正月十四日。敕常以二月望日燒燈。天寶六年六月十八日。詔曰。重門夜開。以達陽氣。群司朝宴樂在時和。屬於上元。當修齋箓。其于賞會。必備葷膻。比來因循稍將非便。自今以後。每至正月。宜取十七日十九日夜開坊市以為永式。尋又重依十五夜放燈。德宗貞元三年。敕正月十五日然燈。是漢明帝因佛法初來與道士角法。敕令燭燈。表破昏闇云。唐僖宗幸蜀。回中原多事。至昭哀皆廢。梁開平二年。詔曰。近年以風俗未泰兵革且繁。正月然燈廢停已久。今後三夜門坊市門公私然燈祈福。莊宗入洛。其事復興。后歷諸朝。或然或不。我大宋太平興國六年。敕下元亦放燈。三夜為軍民祈
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本：
有因緣，（毗沙門天王）特別多地應化顯現在於闐國（Khotan，古代西域國名）。因為（他是）毗沙部（Vessabhu，過去七佛之一），所以號為毗沙門天王。就像說于闐國天王一樣。這也類似於觀音菩薩隨處顯現，而特別被稱為寶陀落山（Potalaka，觀音菩薩道場）觀音一樣。
上元節放燈
根據《漢法本內傳》記載，佛教初傳到中國時，與道士進行較量，焚燒佛經和佛像，（佛經佛像）沒有損壞反而發光。而且西域的十二月三十日，相當於中國的正月十五日，稱之為大神變月。漢明帝下令燃燈，以表彰佛法大放光明。另一種說法是，這源於漢武帝祭祀五時神祠，通宵點燃火把。大概是取自《周禮》中司爟氏燒燎照祭祀的儀式。後來就成爲了慣例。這樣說來，（放燈的習俗）本源於司爟舉火供祭祀的職責，到了東漢，用它來表彰佛法大放光明。加上歷朝歷代的沿革，必定與常規不同。唐先天二年，西域僧人沙陀請求在正月十五日燃燈。開元二十八年正月十四日，皇帝下令經常在二月十五日燒燈。天寶六年六月十八日，皇帝下詔說：『重門夜晚打開，以通達陽氣。各部門官員在朝廷宴飲，享受時令和諧。適逢上元節，應當修齋建醮。至於賞賜聚會，必須準備葷腥食物。近來因循守舊，漸漸變得不合適。從今以後，每到正月，應該選取十七日和十九日夜晚開放坊市，作為永久的制度。』不久又重新恢復在正月十五夜晚放燈。德宗貞元三年，皇帝下令正月十五日燃燈。這是因為漢明帝因佛法初傳，與道士角法，下令點燃蠟燭，以表示破除昏暗。唐僖宗逃到四川，返回中原后多事，到昭哀帝時都廢止了。梁開平二年，皇帝下詔說：『近年來因為風俗尚未安定，戰事頻繁，正月燃燈的習俗已經廢止很久了。今後三天，城門坊市的官民都可以燃燈祈福。』莊宗進入洛陽后，這件事又重新興起。後來的各個朝代，有時燃燈，有時不燃燈。我們大宋太平興國六年，皇帝下令在下元節也放燈，三天為軍民祈福。
【English Translation】 English version:
Due to karmic connections, (Vaiśravaṇa, the Heavenly King) particularly manifests in the country of Khotan (an ancient kingdom in the Western Regions). Because (he is) Vessabhu (one of the past seven Buddhas), he is named Vaiśravaṇa, the Heavenly King. It is like saying the Heavenly King of Khotan. This is similar to how Avalokiteśvara Bodhisattva appears everywhere, but is particularly referred to as Avalokiteśvara of Mount Potalaka (Avalokiteśvara Bodhisattva's abode).
Lantern Festival on the Yuan Festival (the 15th day of the first lunar month)
According to the Inner Biography of the Han Law, when Buddhism first came to China, it competed with Taoists. The scriptures and images were burned, but (the scriptures and images) were not damaged and instead emitted light. Moreover, the thirtieth day of the twelfth month in the Western Regions is equivalent to the fifteenth day of the first month in China, which is called the Month of Great Miraculous Transformation. Emperor Ming of Han ordered the lighting of lamps to signify the great illumination of the Buddha's Dharma. Another account says that this originated from Emperor Wu of Han's worship of the Five Seasonal Deities, lighting torches all night long. It probably originated from the ritual of the Si Guan (official in charge of fire) in the Zhou Rites, who burned torches to illuminate the sacrifices. Later, it became a common practice. In this way, (the custom of lighting lamps) originated from the duty of the Si Guan to light fires for sacrifices. In the Eastern Han Dynasty, it was used to signify the great illumination of the Buddha's Dharma. In addition, the changes over successive dynasties must have deviated from the norm. In the second year of the Xiantian era of the Tang Dynasty, the Western Region monk Sha Tuo requested to light lamps on the fifteenth day of the first month. On the fourteenth day of the first month of the twenty-eighth year of the Kaiyuan era, the emperor ordered that lamps be burned regularly on the fifteenth day of the second month. On the eighteenth day of the sixth month of the Tianbao era, the emperor issued an edict saying: 'The heavy gates are opened at night to allow the Yang energy to flow. Officials enjoy banquets in the court, enjoying the harmony of the seasons. It is the Yuan Festival, and we should practice fasting and build altars. As for rewards and gatherings, we must prepare meat dishes. Recently, following the old ways has gradually become inappropriate. From now on, every year in the first month, we should choose the nights of the seventeenth and nineteenth days to open the markets, as a permanent system.' Soon after, the practice of lighting lamps on the night of the fifteenth day of the first month was restored. In the third year of the Zhenyuan era of Emperor Dezong, the emperor ordered the lighting of lamps on the fifteenth day of the first month. This was because Emperor Ming of Han, due to the initial arrival of Buddhism and the competition with Taoists, ordered the lighting of candles to signify the breaking of darkness. Emperor Xizong of Tang fled to Sichuan, and after returning to the Central Plains, there were many troubles. By the time of Emperor Zhaozong, these practices were all abolished. In the second year of the Kaiping era of the Liang Dynasty, the emperor issued an edict saying: 'In recent years, because the customs have not yet stabilized and there have been frequent wars, the custom of lighting lamps in the first month has been abolished for a long time. From now on, for three days, officials and civilians in the city gates and markets can light lamps to pray for blessings.' After Emperor Zhuangzong entered Luoyang, this matter was revived. In later dynasties, lamps were sometimes lit and sometimes not. In the sixth year of the Taiping Xingguo era of our Great Song Dynasty, the emperor ordered that lamps also be lit on the Xia Yuan Festival (the 15th day of the tenth lunar month), for three days, to pray for the military and civilians.
福。供養天地辰象佛道。三元俱然燈放夜自此為始。著于格令焉。
總論
問曰。略僧史求事端。其故何也。答曰。欲中興佛道令正法久住也。曰方今天子重佛道崇玄門。行儒術致太平。已中興矣。一介比丘力輪何轉。而言中興佛道耶。答曰。更欲助其中興耳。茍釋氏子不知法不修行。不勤學科不明本起。豈能副帝王之興之乎。或曰。子有何力令正法久住乎。答曰。佛言。知法知摩夷。護持攝受。可令法不斷也。又曰。諸師已廣著述。何待子之為邪。答曰。古人著述用則闕如。曾不知三教循環終而復始。一人在上高而不危。有一人故奉三教之興。有三教故助一人之理。且夫儒也者。三王以降則宣用而合宜。道也者。五帝之前則冥符于不宰。昔者馬史躋道在九流之上。班書拔儒冠藝文之初。子長欲反其撲而還其淳。尚帝道也。孟堅思本其仁而祖其義行王道焉。自夏商周至於今。凡幾百千齡矣。若用黃老而治。則急病服其緩藥矣。由此仁義薄禮刑生。越其禮而逾其刑。則儒氏拱手矣。釋氏之門周其施用。以慈悲變暴惡。以喜舍變慳貪。以平等變冤親。以忍辱變瞋害。知人死而神明不滅。知趣到而受業還生。賞之以天堂。罰之以地獄。如范脫土。若模鑄金。邪范漏模寫物定成其寢陋。好模嘉范傳形必告其端嚴。
【現代漢語翻譯】 福。供養天地辰象佛道（供養天地間的星辰和佛法）。三元俱然燈放夜自此為始（從這天晚上開始，點燃燈火供養三元）。著于格令焉（將此定為規章制度）。
總論
問曰（問：）。略僧史求事端（簡略地講述僧人的歷史，是爲了尋求什麼端倪）？其故何也（原因是什麼呢）？答曰（答：）。欲中興佛道令正法久住也（想要復興佛法，使正法長久住世）。曰（問：）。方今天子重佛道崇玄門（當今天子重視佛法，推崇道教），行儒術致太平（施行儒家的治國之術，帶來了太平盛世），已中興矣（已經算是復興了）。一介比丘力輪何轉（一個普通僧人的力量如何能夠扭轉乾坤），而言中興佛道耶（卻說要復興佛法呢）？答曰（答：）。更欲助其中興耳（只是想要幫助他更好地復興罷了）。茍釋氏子不知法不修行（如果佛弟子不懂佛法，不修行），不勤學科不明本起（不努力學習，不明白佛法的根本），豈能副帝王之興之乎（怎麼能輔助帝王復興佛法呢）？或曰（有人問：）。子有何力令正法久住乎（你有什麼力量能使正法長久住世呢）？答曰（答：）。佛言（佛說），『知法知摩夷（瞭解佛法，瞭解摩夷），護持攝受（護持和攝受），可令法不斷也（就可以使佛法不斷絕）。』又曰（又有人問：）。諸師已廣著述（各位法師已經廣泛地著書立說），何待子之為邪（為什麼還要等你來做呢）？答曰（答：）。古人著述用則闕如（古人的著作，在實際應用上有所欠缺），曾不知三教循環終而復始（他們不知道儒釋道三教是循環往復的）。一人在上高而不危（君王高高在上，卻不會有危險），有一人故奉三教之興（因為有君王奉行三教，所以三教才能興盛），有三教故助一人之理（有三教的輔佐，才能幫助君王治理國家）。且夫儒也者（而且儒家），三王以降則宣用而合宜（在夏商周三王之後，被廣泛應用，並且很合適）；道也者（道家），五帝之前則冥符于不宰（在五帝之前，就暗合于自然無為的規律）。昔者馬史躋道在九流之上（過去馬遷的《史記》將道家放在九流之上），班書拔儒冠藝文之初（班固的《漢書》將儒家放在藝文志的開端）。子長欲反其撲而還其淳（司馬遷想要返璞歸真，迴歸淳樸），尚帝道也（推崇帝王的治國之道）。孟堅思本其仁而祖其義行王道焉（班固思考仁的根本，傚法義，施行王道）。自夏商周至於今（從夏商周到現在），凡幾百千齡矣（已經幾百幾千年了）。若用黃老而治（如果用黃老之術來治理國家），則急病服其緩藥矣（就像得了急病卻服用慢藥一樣）。由此仁義薄禮刑生（因此仁義衰微，禮法不足，刑罰產生）。越其禮而逾其刑（超越了禮的約束，超過了刑的懲罰），則儒氏拱手矣（那麼儒家就無能為力了）。釋氏之門周其施用（佛家的方法周全完備），以慈悲變暴惡（用慈悲來改變暴戾邪惡），以喜舍變慳貪（用喜悅佈施來改變吝嗇貪婪），以平等變冤親（用平等心來改變冤家親人），以忍辱變瞋害（用忍辱來改變嗔恨傷害）。知人死而神明不滅（知道人死後神識不滅），知趣到而受業還生（知道根據業力而輪迴轉世）。賞之以天堂（用天堂來獎賞），罰之以地獄（用地獄來懲罰）。如范脫土（就像用模子脫出泥土），若模鑄金（如同用模具來鑄造金器）。邪范漏模寫物定成其寢陋（不正的模子，有缺陷的模具，塑造出來的東西一定醜陋），好模嘉范傳形必告其端嚴（好的模具，精美的范型，塑造出來的形象必定端正莊嚴）。
【English Translation】 Blessings. Offerings to the heavens, earth, celestial phenomena, and the Buddha's path (offering to the stars and the Dharma of the Buddha in the heavens and earth). From this night onwards, light lamps to make offerings to the Three Origins. Let this be established as a rule and regulation.
General Discussion
Question: Why briefly discuss the history of monks to seek clues? What is the reason? Answer: It is to revitalize the Buddha's path and ensure the long-lasting existence of the true Dharma. Question: Today, the Emperor values the Buddha's path and reveres the Xuan School (Daoism), implementing Confucianism to achieve peace. This is already a revitalization. How can a mere Bhikkhu (monk) turn the wheel of power and speak of revitalizing the Buddha's path? Answer: It is to further assist in its revitalization. If the disciples of Shakyamuni do not know the Dharma, do not practice, do not diligently study, and do not understand the origins, how can they assist the Emperor in revitalizing it? Someone asks: What power do you have to ensure the long-lasting existence of the true Dharma? Answer: The Buddha said, 'Knowing the Dharma and knowing Maya (illusion), protecting and embracing, can ensure that the Dharma is not interrupted.' Someone also asks: The teachers have already written extensively, why wait for you to do it? Answer: The writings of the ancients are lacking in practical application. They never knew that the Three Teachings (Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism) are cyclical, ending and beginning again. When one person is above, they are high but not in danger because one person upholds the flourishing of the Three Teachings. Because there are Three Teachings, they assist the principle of one person (the ruler). Moreover, Confucianism, since the Three Kings (of Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties), has been widely used and is appropriate. Daoism, before the Five Emperors, mysteriously aligns with non-action. In the past, Ma Qian's 'Records of the Grand Historian' placed Daoism above the Nine Schools. Ban Gu's 'Book of Han' placed Confucianism at the beginning of the Arts and Literature section. Zichang (Sima Qian) wanted to revert to simplicity and return to purity, valuing the way of the Emperor. Meng Jian (Ban Gu) thought of the root of benevolence and emulated righteousness, practicing the way of the King. From the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties to the present, it has been hundreds and thousands of years. If one were to govern using Huang-Lao (Yellow Emperor and Lao Tzu) philosophy, it would be like prescribing slow medicine for an acute illness. Therefore, benevolence and righteousness become thin, rituals are insufficient, and punishments arise. When one exceeds the rituals and oversteps the punishments, then the Confucians are helpless. The methods of the Buddhist school are comprehensive in their application, using compassion to transform violence and evil, using joy and generosity to transform stinginess and greed, using equality to transform enemies and relatives, using patience to transform anger and harm, knowing that the spirit does not perish after death, knowing that one goes to different realms and is reborn according to karma, rewarding with heaven, punishing with hell, like clay being removed from a mold, like gold being cast in a mold. A crooked mold or a leaky mold will surely produce an ugly object. A good mold and a fine model will surely produce a dignified and solemn form.
事匪口談。人皆目擊。是以帝王奉信。群下歸心。草上之風翕然而偃。而能旁憑老氏兼假儒家。成智猶待於三愚。為邦合遵于眾聖。成天下之亹亹。復終日之幹幹。之於御物也。如臂使手。如手運指。或擒或縱。何往不臧耶。夫如是則三教是一家之物。萬乘是一家之君。視家不宜偏愛。偏愛則競生。競生則損教。已在其內。自然不安。及已不安。則悔損其教。不欲損教。則莫若無偏。三教既和故法得久住也。且如秦始焚坑儒術。事出李斯。後魏誅戮沙門。職由𡨥謙之崔浩。周武廢佛道二教。矜炫己之聰明。蓋朝無正人。唐武宗毀除寺像。道士趙歸真率劉玄靖。同力謗誣。李朱崔影助此四君。諸公之報驗何太速乎。奉勸吾曹。相警互防。勿罹愆失。帝王不容。法從何立。況道流守寶。不為天下先。沙門何妨饒禮以和之。當合佛言一切恭信。信于老君先聖也。信于孔子先師也。非此二聖曷能顯揚釋教。相與齊行。致君于犧黃之上乎。茍咈斯言。譬無賴子弟無端斗競。累其父母。破產遭刑。然則損三教之大猷。乃一時之小失。日月食過何損於明君。不見秦焚百家之書。聖人預已藏諸屋壁。坑之令剿絕。揚馬二戴相次而生。何曾無噍類耶。梁武舍道。後魏勃興拓跋誅僧。子孫重振。後周毀二教。隋牽復之。武宗陷釋門。去未旋
{ "translations": [ "現代漢語譯本：", "事情並非只是口頭說說而已，人們都親眼所見。因此，帝王奉行信守，群臣歸順誠服，如同風吹過草地，草就順勢倒伏一樣。而且還能廣泛採納老子的思想，兼顧儒家的學說。成就智慧還要依靠『三愚』（指佛家所說的至愚），治理國家要共同遵循各位聖人的教誨。成就天下的事業要孜孜不倦，整日勤勉不懈。對於駕馭萬物，就像手臂使用手掌，像手掌運用手指一樣，或擒拿或放縱，無論做什麼沒有不美好的。如果能夠這樣，那麼儒、釋、道三教就是一家之物，天子就是天下的君主。對待自己的家業不應該有偏愛，偏愛就會產生爭鬥，產生爭鬥就會損害教義。禍患已經在內部，自然不會安寧。等到已經不安寧了，就會後悔損害了教義。不想損害教義，不如沒有偏愛。三教既然和睦，所以佛法才能長久住世。例如秦始皇焚書坑儒，事情出自李斯。後魏誅殺沙門（shā mén，佛教出家人），是由於高允和崔浩。周武帝廢除佛、道二教，是矜持炫耀自己的聰明。大概是因為朝廷沒有正直的人。唐武宗毀壞寺廟佛像，道士趙歸真率領劉玄靖，一同合力誹謗誣陷。李林甫、朱溫、崔胤幫助這四位君主，這些人的報應來得多麼迅速啊！奉勸各位同道，互相警惕防備，不要觸犯過失。帝王不能容忍，佛法從何立足？況且道教人士守護自己的法寶，不為天下先。沙門（shā mén，佛教出家人）何妨多施禮讓來與他們和睦相處呢？應當符合佛的教導，一切恭敬信奉，信奉老子和先聖，信奉孔子和先師。不是這兩位聖人，誰能夠顯揚佛教？大家共同努力，使君王達到像伏羲、黃帝一樣的境界呢？如果違背這些話，就像無賴子弟無端爭鬥，連累他們的父母，破產遭受刑罰。那麼損害三教的大原則，只是一時的小過失。日食月食過後，對英明的君主有什麼損害呢？沒看見秦始皇焚燒百家之書，聖人預先將書藏在房屋墻壁中。秦始皇命令全部剿滅，揚雄、馬融、戴聖相繼而生，哪裡會沒有遺留的人呢？梁武帝捨棄道教，後魏興起，拓跋氏誅殺僧人，子孫又重新振興佛教。後周毀壞佛、道二教，隋朝又恢復了它們。唐武宗陷害佛教，離去世不遠了。", "english_translations": [ "English version:", "Affairs are not just empty talk; people have witnessed them firsthand. Therefore, emperors uphold and believe, and their subjects submit and are sincere, just as grass bends when the wind blows over it. Moreover, they can broadly adopt Laozi's thoughts and consider Confucianism's teachings. Achieving wisdom still relies on the 'three fools' (referring to the ultimate foolishness in Buddhism), and governing the country should jointly follow the teachings of all the sages. Accomplishing the affairs of the world requires tireless effort and diligence throughout the day. As for managing all things, it is like the arm using the hand, like the hand operating the fingers, either seizing or releasing; whatever is done is not without merit. If it can be like this, then Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism are all part of one family, and the emperor is the ruler of the world. One should not be biased in treating one's own family; bias will lead to strife, and strife will harm the teachings. The trouble is already within, and naturally there will be no peace. When there is no peace, one will regret harming the teachings. If one does not want to harm the teachings, it is better to have no bias. Since the three teachings are harmonious, the Dharma can abide in the world for a long time. For example, Qin Shi Huang's burning of books and burying of scholars originated from Li Si. The Later Wei's killing of Shamen (shā mén, Buddhist monks) was due to Gao Yun and Cui Hao. Emperor Wu of Zhou abolished Buddhism and Taoism, boasting of his own intelligence. It was probably because there were no upright people in the court. Emperor Wuzong of Tang destroyed temples and Buddha images, and the Taoist Zhao Guizhen led Liu Xuanjing in jointly slandering and framing. Li Linfu, Zhu Wen, and Cui Yin assisted these four rulers. How quickly did the retribution for these people come! I advise you all, fellow practitioners, to be vigilant and guard against each other, and do not commit offenses. If the emperor cannot tolerate it, how can the Dharma stand? Moreover, Taoists guard their treasures and do not put the world first. Why can't Shamen (shā mén, Buddhist monks) be more courteous and harmonious with them? One should follow the Buddha's teachings, reverently believe in everything, believe in Laozi and the former sages, and believe in Confucius and the former teachers. Without these two sages, who could promote Buddhism? Let us work together to bring the ruler to the level of Fu Xi and the Yellow Emperor. If one violates these words, it is like rogue children fighting for no reason, implicating their parents, bankrupting their families, and suffering punishment. Then, harming the great principles of the three teachings is only a temporary small mistake. What harm do solar and lunar eclipses do to an enlightened ruler? Didn't you see that when Qin Shi Huang burned the books of the hundred schools, the sages had already hidden them in the walls of houses? Qin Shi Huang ordered them to be completely exterminated, but Yang Xiong, Ma Rong, and Dai Sheng were born one after another. How could there be no survivors? Emperor Wu of Liang abandoned Taoism, and the Later Wei rose up, with the Tuoba clan killing monks, but their descendants revived Buddhism. Emperor Wu of Zhou destroyed Buddhism and Taoism, and the Sui Dynasty restored them. Emperor Wuzong of Tang harmed Buddhism and was not far from death." ] }
踵。宣宗十倍興之側掌。豈能截河漢之流。張拳不可防暴虎之猛。況為僧莫若道安。安與習鑿齒交遊。崇儒也。為僧莫若慧遠。遠送陸修靜過虎溪。重道也。余慕二高僧。好儒重道。釋子猶或非之。我既重他。他豈輕我。請信安遠行事。其可法也。詩曰。伐柯伐柯。其則不遠。孟子曰。天時不如地利。地利不如人和。斯之謂歟。
大宋僧史略卷下(終)
紹興朝旨改正僧道班文字一集
(法道)等伏睹大宋僧史略。載僧道班次。每當朝集。僧先道后。並立殿庭。僧東道西。凡遇郊天。道左僧右。久為定製。蓋出本朝祖宗成憲。以為萬世不刊之規。昨緣崇觀之後道士叨視資品。如王資息林靈素王沖道輩。視兩府者甚眾。因此起請。例押僧班。乘勢毀壞祖宗所定福基。事體非一。據釋教所載。近年災變至於社稷中微生靈塗炭。蓋亦因此。誤國罔上。莫茲為甚。伏見昭靖康建炎以來。所有道士視官已行追毀。既無官蔭。其于班列。自合遵依祖宗舊制。今來天下道士。每遇國忌行香。洎凡入寺院。看謁聚會。不悛故態。𢕟然爭風。一切佔上。全乖賓主禮法。頗有害於風教。深為未便。伏望朝廷明降指揮。特賜改正。應今後行香立班諸處聚會並乞遵依祖宗成法。仍乞頒行天下。以正風俗。庶得稍循禮法不害風
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 踵（跟隨）。宣宗十倍地讚揚他，就像用手掌去阻擋河流一樣。空手握拳也無法抵擋猛虎的襲擊。說到僧人，沒有人比得上道安（東晉高僧）。道安與習鑿齒（東晉名士）交遊，這是崇尚儒學啊。說到僧人，沒有人比得上慧遠（東晉高僧）。慧遠送陸修靜（南朝道士）過虎溪，這是尊重道教啊。我仰慕這兩位高僧，愛好儒學，尊重道教，佛教徒或許還會非議我。我既然尊重他們，他們又怎麼會輕視我呢？請相信安遠（慧遠的別號）的行事，那是可以傚法的。詩經上說：『砍木柄啊砍木柄，法則就在眼前。』孟子說：『天時不如地利，地利不如人和。』說的就是這個道理吧。
《大宋僧史略》卷下（終）
紹興朝旨改正僧道班文字一集
（法道）等奏請：臣等查閱《大宋僧史略》，記載僧道班次，每當朝廷集會，僧人在前，道士在後，並且站立在殿庭上，僧人在東，道士在西。凡是遇到郊祭，道士在左，僧人在右，這已經成為定製。這出自本朝祖宗的成憲，作為萬世不可更改的規矩。自從崇觀（宋徽宗年號）之後，道士們依仗資歷品級，比如王資息、林靈素、王沖道這些人，官位達到兩府（宰相）的很多。因此他們發起請求，按照慣例壓在僧人的班次之上，趁勢毀壞祖宗所制定的福基，這樣的事情不止一件。根據佛教所記載，近年來的災變，甚至導致國家衰微，百姓受苦，大概也是因為這個原因。誤國欺君，沒有比這更嚴重的了。臣等看到昭靖（宋欽宗年號）、康建炎（宋高宗年號）以來，所有道士的官職已經被追奪。既然沒有官職庇廕，那麼在班列上，自然應當遵照祖宗的舊制。如今天下的道士，每當遇到國忌行香，以及凡是進入寺院，看望聚會，不改變過去的習性，仍然爭先恐後，一切都要佔上風，完全違背了賓主禮法，對風俗教化危害很深，實在是不妥當。臣等希望朝廷明確降下旨意，特別予以改正。應從今以後行香、立班等各種聚會，都請遵照祖宗的成法。並且請頒行天下，以匡正風俗，或許能夠稍微遵循禮法，不至於危害風俗教化。 English version: To follow. Emperor Xuanzong praised him tenfold, like trying to block a river with a palm. A clenched fist cannot defend against the ferocity of a tiger. Speaking of monks, none can compare to Dao'an (a prominent Jin Dynasty monk). Dao'an associated with Xi Zaochi (a famous Jin Dynasty scholar), which is to admire Confucianism. Speaking of monks, none can compare to Huiyuan (a prominent Jin Dynasty monk). Huiyuan saw Lu Xiujing (a Southern Dynasty Taoist) off at Tiger Creek, which is to respect Taoism. I admire these two eminent monks, love Confucianism, and respect Taoism; Buddhist disciples may even criticize me for it. Since I respect them, how could they belittle me? Please believe in the actions of An Yuan (Huiyuan's alias), which are worthy of emulation. The Book of Poetry says, 'Chopping an axe handle, the model is not far off.' Mencius said, 'Timely opportunities are not as good as advantageous terrain, and advantageous terrain is not as good as harmony among people.' Is this not what it means?
《A Brief History of the Sangha of the Great Song Dynasty》, Volume 2 (End)
A Collection of Imperial Edicts from the Shaoxing Reign Correcting the Order of Monks and Taoists
(Fadao) and others report: We have reviewed 《A Brief History of the Sangha of the Great Song Dynasty》, which records the order of monks and Taoists. Whenever there are court assemblies, monks precede Taoists, standing in the court, monks to the east, Taoists to the west. Whenever there are suburban sacrifices, Taoists are on the left, monks on the right; this has long been the established custom. This comes from the ancestral constitution of our dynasty, as a rule that should not be altered for ten thousand generations. Since the Chongguan (reign era of Emperor Huizong of Song) period, Taoists have relied on their qualifications and ranks, such as Wang Zixi, Lin Lingsu, and Wang Chongdao, many of whom held positions equivalent to the two offices (prime ministers). Therefore, they initiated requests to be placed above the monks in the order, taking the opportunity to destroy the foundation of blessings established by the ancestors. Such matters are not isolated. According to Buddhist records, recent disasters have even led to the decline of the nation and the suffering of the people, likely due to this reason. Misleading the country and deceiving the emperor, nothing is more serious than this. We have seen that since the Zhaojing (reign era of Emperor Qinzong of Song) and Jianyan (reign era of Emperor Gaozong of Song) periods, all official positions of Taoists have been revoked. Since they have no official protection, they should naturally follow the old system of the ancestors in the order. Nowadays, Taoists throughout the country, whenever there are national mourning incense offerings, and whenever they enter temples, visit gatherings, do not change their old habits, still vying for precedence, wanting to be on top in everything, completely violating the etiquette of guests and hosts, which is very harmful to customs and teachings, and is truly inappropriate. We hope that the court will issue a clear edict, specifically to correct this. From now on, all incense offerings, standing in order, and various gatherings should follow the ancestral laws. And please promulgate this throughout the country to rectify customs, so that we can slightly follow etiquette and not harm customs and teachings.
【English Translation】 English version: To follow. Emperor Xuanzong praised him tenfold, like trying to block a river with a palm. A clenched fist cannot defend against the ferocity of a tiger. Speaking of monks, none can compare to Dao'an (a prominent Jin Dynasty monk). Dao'an associated with Xi Zaochi (a famous Jin Dynasty scholar), which is to admire Confucianism. Speaking of monks, none can compare to Huiyuan (a prominent Jin Dynasty monk). Huiyuan saw Lu Xiujing (a Southern Dynasty Taoist) off at Tiger Creek, which is to respect Taoism. I admire these two eminent monks, love Confucianism, and respect Taoism; Buddhist disciples may even criticize me for it. Since I respect them, how could they belittle me? Please believe in the actions of An Yuan (Huiyuan's alias), which are worthy of emulation. The Book of Poetry says, 'Chopping an axe handle, the model is not far off.' Mencius said, 'Timely opportunities are not as good as advantageous terrain, and advantageous terrain is not as good as harmony among people.' Is this not what it means?
《A Brief History of the Sangha of the Great Song Dynasty》, Volume 2 (End)
A Collection of Imperial Edicts from the Shaoxing Reign Correcting the Order of Monks and Taoists
(Fadao) and others report: We have reviewed 《A Brief History of the Sangha of the Great Song Dynasty》, which records the order of monks and Taoists. Whenever there are court assemblies, monks precede Taoists, standing in the court, monks to the east, Taoists to the west. Whenever there are suburban sacrifices, Taoists are on the left, monks on the right; this has long been the established custom. This comes from the ancestral constitution of our dynasty, as a rule that should not be altered for ten thousand generations. Since the Chongguan (reign era of Emperor Huizong of Song) period, Taoists have relied on their qualifications and ranks, such as Wang Zixi, Lin Lingsu, and Wang Chongdao, many of whom held positions equivalent to the two offices (prime ministers). Therefore, they initiated requests to be placed above the monks in the order, taking the opportunity to destroy the foundation of blessings established by the ancestors. Such matters are not isolated. According to Buddhist records, recent disasters have even led to the decline of the nation and the suffering of the people, likely due to this reason. Misleading the country and deceiving the emperor, nothing is more serious than this. We have seen that since the Zhaojing (reign era of Emperor Qinzong of Song) and Jianyan (reign era of Emperor Gaozong of Song) periods, all official positions of Taoists have been revoked. Since they have no official protection, they should naturally follow the old system of the ancestors in the order. Nowadays, Taoists throughout the country, whenever there are national mourning incense offerings, and whenever they enter temples, visit gatherings, do not change their old habits, still vying for precedence, wanting to be on top in everything, completely violating the etiquette of guests and hosts, which is very harmful to customs and teachings, and is truly inappropriate. We hope that the court will issue a clear edict, specifically to correct this. From now on, all incense offerings, standing in order, and various gatherings should follow the ancestral laws. And please promulgate this throughout the country to rectify customs, so that we can slightly follow etiquette and not harm customs and teachings.
教。
右謹具呈伏取鈞旨。
(二月日 江州廬山東林大平興龍禪寺住持傳西天法特賜寶覺圓通法濟大師法道札子)。
臨安府僧正慧通無礙大師梵安等。
右(梵安)等。伏為先與廬山東林太平興龍禪寺住持寶覺圓通法濟大師法道同呈劄子。乞依祖宗法改正國忌行香僧道班次。累蒙省部並大常寺取會照。使文字供報前去具申朝廷並已圓備。至今未蒙頒行改正等。伏見三朝訓鑒車駕祈求。先入僧寺。及紹興敕條已作僧道。呼仰詳前項。國朝訓敕正與大宋僧史略同。然今道士冒占日久。習已成風。全不遵依祖宗成憲。竊見釋教藏經所載。近年災變毫髮不差。蓋緣道士乘勢起請蠹壞祖宗所定福基。殘害佛法。事體非一。致得天垂災變禍亂縱橫。誤國至此。猶未悛革。謹具狀。披告參政相公。參政相公。僕射相公。伏乞鈞慈。特賜敷奏。早行改正。庶得誡諭道徒。遵依舊制。仰迴天意。俯順民心。為國攘災。又安天下。未敢專擅。伏候鈞旨。
紹興三年九月日(臨安府僧正慧通無礙大師梵安等)狀。
行在尚書祠部。
準都省批送臨安府僧正慧通無礙大師(梵安)等狀。為整會國忌行香僧道立班等事。後送禮部勘當。申尚書省撿會。先承批送下江州廬山東林太平興龍禪寺住持傳
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 教。 右謹具呈伏取鈞旨。 (二月日 江州廬山東林大平興龍禪寺住持傳西天法特賜寶覺圓通法濟大師法道札子)。 臨安府僧正慧通無礙大師梵安（Fan'an，人名）等。 右梵安（Fan'an，人名）等。伏為先與廬山東林太平興龍禪寺住持寶覺圓通法濟大師法道同呈劄子。乞依祖宗法改正國忌行香僧道班次。累蒙省部並大常寺取會照。使文字供報前去具申朝廷並已圓備。至今未蒙頒行改正等。伏見三朝訓鑒車駕祈求。先入僧寺。及紹興敕條已作僧道。呼仰詳前項。國朝訓敕正與大宋僧史略同。然今道士冒占日久。習已成風。全不遵依祖宗成憲。竊見釋教藏經所載。近年災變毫髮不差。蓋緣道士乘勢起請蠹壞祖宗所定福基。殘害佛法。事體非一。致得天垂災變禍亂縱橫。誤國至此。猶未悛革。謹具狀。披告參政相公。參政相公。僕射相公。伏乞鈞慈。特賜敷奏。早行改正。庶得誡諭道徒。遵依舊制。仰迴天意。俯順民心。為國攘災。又安天下。未敢專擅。伏候鈞旨。 紹興三年九月日(臨安府僧正慧通無礙大師梵安（Fan'an，人名）等)狀。 行在尚書祠部。 準都省批送臨安府僧正慧通無礙大師梵安（Fan'an，人名）等狀。為整會國忌行香僧道立班等事。後送禮部勘當。申尚書省撿會。先承批送下江州廬山東林太平興龍禪寺住持傳
【English Translation】 English version: Teaching. Respectfully submitted for your esteemed consideration. (Dated February, from Fa Dao, Abbot of Taiping Xinglong Chan Monastery of Donglin Temple, Mount Lu, Jiangzhou, specially bestowed with the title 'Baojue Yuantong Faji Master' for transmitting the Dharma from the Western Heaven). Fan'an (Fan'an, a personal name), the Righteous Monk Registrar of Lin'an Prefecture, Great Master of Unimpeded Understanding, and others. Fan'an (Fan'an, a personal name) and others respectfully submit this joint memorial with Fa Dao, Abbot of Taiping Xinglong Chan Monastery of Donglin Temple, Mount Lu, requesting that the order of monks and Daoists in the national mourning incense offering ceremony be corrected according to ancestral laws. The provincial departments and the Court of Imperial Sacrifices have repeatedly been consulted and have provided written reports to the court, which are now complete. However, the corrections have not yet been promulgated. We observe that in the 'Instructions and Admonitions of Three Reigns,' the imperial carriage first enters Buddhist monasteries for prayer, and the Shaoxing edicts have already established the order of monks and Daoists. We respectfully refer to the aforementioned items. The national instructions and admonitions are consistent with the 'Song Dynasty History of Monks.' However, Daoists have been encroaching for a long time, and this has become a customary practice, completely disregarding the ancestral constitution. We have observed in the Buddhist scriptures that recent disasters have occurred with uncanny accuracy. This is because Daoists have taken advantage of the situation to request and undermine the foundations of merit established by the ancestors, harming the Buddhist Dharma in numerous ways. This has led to heaven sending down disasters and chaos, causing immense harm to the country. Yet, there has been no repentance or reform. We respectfully submit this memorial to the Councillors of State and the Vice-President of the Chancellery, humbly requesting your compassionate consideration to present it to the throne and promptly implement the corrections. This would serve to admonish the Daoists to abide by the old system, thereby revering the will of Heaven, complying with the wishes of the people, averting disasters for the country, and bringing peace to the world. We dare not act presumptuously and await your esteemed instructions. Dated September of the third year of Shaoxing (Memorial from Fan'an (Fan'an, a personal name), the Righteous Monk Registrar of Lin'an Prefecture, Great Master of Unimpeded Understanding, and others). To the Ministry of Rites of the Imperial Court. According to the decree from the Department of State Affairs, the memorial from Fan'an (Fan'an, a personal name), the Righteous Monk Registrar of Lin'an Prefecture, Great Master of Unimpeded Understanding, and others, concerning the establishment of the order of monks and Daoists in the national mourning incense offering ceremony, has been sent to the Ministry of Rites for review and verification. It is requested that the Ministry of State Affairs examine and compile the relevant information. Previously, a decree was sent to Fa
西天法特賜寶覺圓通法濟大師法道等劄子。勘會上件事理。后批送禮部勘當。申尚書省。本部尋撿會下項條並所到太常寺狀稱。今看詳僧史略內稱。每當朝集。僧先道后。並立殿庭。僧東道西。間雜副職。並大常寺因革禮。宣德門肆赦故事。道左僧右。其前件事各有文據。該載併合遵依。所有僧道每遇國忌行香。尋撿照嘉祐編敕並紹興新書條內。並載僧道寺觀。立文為次。今來僧法道理會行香立位。本寺今勘當。欲比附喜祐紹興條法。以僧在左。更合取自朝廷指揮。申部本部今參照嘉祐編敕。並載僧道。其政和海行唯稱道僧。及有道士序位在僧之上正條。緣今來紹興新書內。卻依舊法。以僧道立文並刪去。道士序位在僧之上。正條不行。本部今勘當。欲依太常寺勘當。到事理施行。更合取自朝廷指揮。已於今年四月四日。繳連元狀並僧史略一冊。具申都省。未蒙指揮。今又承批下僧梵安等狀整會上件事。具申都省。去後蒙朝旨。批下十一月十四日送禮部。依條施行。須至符下。僧史略今大宋每當朝集。僧先道后。並立殿庭。僧東道西。間雜副職。若遇郊天。道左僧右。未知始起也。太常因革禮。乾德六年。宣德門肆赦故事。道左僧右。嘉祐編敕條內。並該載僧道寺觀。立文為次。政和海行條內。並該載道僧觀寺。立文
為次。並有正條。諸道士序位在僧之上。女冠在尼之等上。紹興海行條內。並該載僧道寺觀。立文為次。其道士序位在僧之上等。前條已刪去不行。右差親事官鄭彥。告示梵安法道等。逐僧知委已。奉朝旨批降。依條改正。以僧在左。並符太常寺臨安府江州去訖。仍具知委。文狀連申不得住滯。紹興三年十一月二十一日。下法道伏為先與臨安府僧正梵安等同呈劄子理會。乞依祖宗法。改正國忌行香僧道班位事。伏蒙尚書祠部告示已。奉朝旨批降。依條改正。以僧在左。告示施行。並已符太常寺江州臨安府去訖。法道伏見省部撿坐定前後敕條。及已刪去。政和法內。道士序位在僧之上。女冠在尼之上等前條不行。內一項太常因革禮乾德六年宣德門肆赦故事。系道左僧右。法道仰詳上件太常禮法。並前後敕條參照得正。與大宋僧史略同。每當朝集。僧先道后。並立殿庭。僧東道西。若遇郊天。道左僧右。蓋是自來遇郊祀禮畢。車駕自郊回。即御宣德門。肆赦班位系是一事。余時立班並是僧左。僧史略內意已抱括。伏乞行下太常寺照會。外所有諸處州縣欲乞符送逐路轉運司遍行天下。應於國忌行香去處貴得文軌遍同事成言順。天下僧道安分修行。永福中興恢復之祚(癸丑十一月二十四日呈訖。當月二十八日遍行天下)行在尚
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 其次，還有正式的條文規定，各道教道士的位序在僧侶之上，女道士的位序與尼姑相等。紹興年間的海運條文中，也包括了僧侶、道士、寺廟、道觀等，並按此規定排列位序。其中道士位序在僧侶之上等規定，之前的條文已經刪除，不再執行。右邊是派遣親事官鄭彥發佈的告示，告知梵安（僧正名）法道（道士名）等人，各僧侶已知悉。奉朝廷旨意批示，按照條文改正，以僧侶在左。並已行文通知太常寺、臨安府、江州等地。仍需詳細知悉，文狀連同申報，不得拖延。紹興三年十一月二十一日，法道呈文，因為之前與臨安府僧正梵安等人一同呈遞了札子，要求按照祖宗的法制，改正國忌日行香時僧道班位的事情。蒙尚書祠部發佈告示，奉朝廷旨意批示，按照條文改正，以僧侶在左，告示施行。並已行文通知太常寺、江州、臨安府等地。法道查閱省部所定的前後敕令條文，以及已經刪除的政和年間法令，其中道士位序在僧侶之上，女道士在尼姑之上等之前的條文不再執行。其中一項是太常寺沿革禮儀，根據乾德六年宣德門大赦的舊例，是道士在左，僧侶在右。法道希望詳細考察上述太常寺的禮法，並參照前後的敕令條文，以求得正。這與《大宋僧史略》相同，每當朝廷集會，都是僧侶在前，道士在後，並且在殿庭上，僧侶在東，道士在西。如果遇到郊祭，則是道士在左，僧侶在右。這是因為自古以來，遇到郊祀禮畢，皇帝的車駕從郊外返回，就在宣德門舉行大赦，班位的排列是這件事。其餘時候的排列都是僧侶在左。《僧史略》中的意思已經包括了。希望下令太常寺照會，所有各處州縣都希望符送各路轉運司，遍行天下，在國忌日行香的地方，能夠有統一的文軌，使事情順利，言語順暢，天下僧道安分修行，永保中興恢復的基業。（癸丑年十一月二十四日呈訖，當月二十八日遍行天下）行在尚書省 English version: Furthermore, there are formal regulations stating that the order of precedence for Daoist priests is above that of Buddhist monks, and the order of precedence for female Daoist priests is equal to that of Buddhist nuns. The maritime regulations of the Shaoxing era also included monks, Daoists, temples, and Daoist abbeys, and arranged the order of precedence accordingly. Among them, the regulations that Daoist priests are above Buddhist monks, etc., have been deleted from the previous articles and are no longer implemented. On the right is the proclamation issued by the dispatched official Zheng Yan, informing Fan'an (name of the Sangha Chief) and Fadao (name of the Daoist priest), etc., that all monks are aware of it. Upon the decree of the imperial court, it was approved to be corrected according to the articles, with monks on the left. And it has been notified to the Taichang Temple (Imperial Ancestral Temple), Lin'an Prefecture, Jiangzhou and other places. It is still necessary to know the details, and the documents should be submitted together without delay. On November 21st of the third year of Shaoxing, Fadao submitted a document because he had previously submitted a note with Fan'an, the Sangha Chief of Lin'an Prefecture, and others, requesting that the order of precedence of monks and Daoists during the national mourning incense offering be corrected according to the ancestral system. Upon the proclamation of the Ministry of Rites, the imperial decree was approved to be corrected according to the articles, with monks on the left, and the proclamation was implemented. And it has been notified to the Taichang Temple, Jiangzhou, Lin'an Prefecture and other places. Fadao consulted the edicts and regulations set by the provincial departments before and after, as well as the laws of the Zhenghe era that have been deleted, in which the previous articles such as Daoist priests being above Buddhist monks and female Daoist priests being above Buddhist nuns are no longer implemented. One of them is the Taichang Temple's inherited etiquette, according to the old example of the amnesty at Xuande Gate in the sixth year of Qiande, which is Daoists on the left and monks on the right. Fadao hopes to examine the above-mentioned etiquette of the Taichang Temple in detail, and refer to the edicts and regulations before and after, in order to obtain the correct one. This is the same as 'A Brief History of the Sangha of the Great Song Dynasty', whenever the imperial court gathers, the monks are in front and the Daoists are behind, and in the palace hall, the monks are in the east and the Daoists are in the west. If there is a suburban sacrifice, the Daoists are on the left and the monks are on the right. This is because since ancient times, when the suburban sacrifice is completed, the emperor's carriage returns from the suburbs and holds a general amnesty at Xuande Gate, and the arrangement of the ranks is this matter. The arrangement at other times is monks on the left. The meaning in 'A Brief History of the Sangha' has already been included. It is hoped that the Taichang Temple will be ordered to consult, and all the prefectures and counties want to send documents to the transportation departments of each road, so that they can be spread all over the world, and in the places where incense is offered on the national mourning day, there can be a unified text, so that things can be smooth, words can be smooth, and the monks and Daoists of the world can practice peacefully, and the foundation of the restoration of Zhongxing can be permanently maintained. (Submitted on November 24th of the Gui Chou year, and spread all over the world on the 28th of the same month) The Ministry of Rites is still in the capital.
【English Translation】 English version: Secondly, there are formal regulations stating that the order of precedence for Daoist priests is above that of Buddhist monks, and the order of precedence for female Daoist priests is equal to that of Buddhist nuns. The maritime regulations of the Shaoxing era also included monks, Daoists, temples, and Daoist abbeys, and arranged the order of precedence accordingly. Among them, the regulations that Daoist priests are above Buddhist monks, etc., have been deleted from the previous articles and are no longer implemented. On the right is the proclamation issued by the dispatched official Zheng Yan, informing Fan'an (name of the Sangha Chief) and Fadao (name of the Daoist priest), etc., that all monks are aware of it. Upon the decree of the imperial court, it was approved to be corrected according to the articles, with monks on the left. And it has been notified to the Taichang Temple (Imperial Ancestral Temple), Lin'an Prefecture, Jiangzhou and other places. It is still necessary to know the details, and the documents should be submitted together without delay. On November 21st of the third year of Shaoxing, Fadao submitted a document because he had previously submitted a note with Fan'an, the Sangha Chief of Lin'an Prefecture, and others, requesting that the order of precedence of monks and Daoists during the national mourning incense offering be corrected according to the ancestral system. Upon the proclamation of the Ministry of Rites, the imperial decree was approved to be corrected according to the articles, with monks on the left, and the proclamation was implemented. And it has been notified to the Taichang Temple, Jiangzhou, Lin'an Prefecture and other places. Fadao consulted the edicts and regulations set by the provincial departments before and after, as well as the laws of the Zhenghe era that have been deleted, in which the previous articles such as Daoist priests being above Buddhist monks and female Daoist priests being above Buddhist nuns are no longer implemented. One of them is the Taichang Temple's inherited etiquette, according to the old example of the amnesty at Xuande Gate in the sixth year of Qiande, which is Daoists on the left and monks on the right. Fadao hopes to examine the above-mentioned etiquette of the Taichang Temple in detail, and refer to the edicts and regulations before and after, in order to obtain the correct one. This is the same as 'A Brief History of the Sangha of the Great Song Dynasty', whenever the imperial court gathers, the monks are in front and the Daoists are behind, and in the palace hall, the monks are in the east and the Daoists are in the west. If there is a suburban sacrifice, the Daoists are on the left and the monks are on the right. This is because since ancient times, when the suburban sacrifice is completed, the emperor's carriage returns from the suburbs and holds a general amnesty at Xuande Gate, and the arrangement of the ranks is this matter. The arrangement at other times is monks on the left. The meaning in 'A Brief History of the Sangha' has already been included. It is hoped that the Taichang Temple will be ordered to consult, and all the prefectures and counties want to send documents to the transportation departments of each road, so that they can be spread all over the world, and in the places where incense is offered on the national mourning day, there can be a unified text, so that things can be smooth, words can be smooth, and the monks and Daoists of the world can practice peacefully, and the foundation of the restoration of Zhongxing can be permanently maintained. (Submitted on November 24th of the Gui Chou year, and spread all over the world on the 28th of the same month) The Ministry of Rites is still in the capital.
書祠部。紹興十三年冬。因景靈宮立班。爾行告示省符。臨安府管內掌文籍。道士劉若謙等。紹興十三年十月初五日。尚書省陳狀。乞道士序位在僧之上。當月十二日。詣景靈宮。奉安祖宗神御。道士自擅爭占序。班在東。詐稱別得朝廷指揮矣。其時前都正普澄真凈慧濟大師善達僧正戒月等。遂具陳列。當月二十一日。朝旨批降。依先定祖宗舊法。嘉祐編敕紹興新書。以僧在左。行下準在尚書祠部。準都省批送下本部狀。準都省批送下臨安府。都道正劉若謙等狀為理會。今來肆赦僧道立班序位事。后批十月十五日送禮部。限五日看詳申尚書省本部。尋行下太常寺。看詳去後。今據本寺申撿。準紹興三年十一月十四日都省批狀指揮。承都省批送下禮部。伏準都省。批送下臨安府僧正惠通無礙大師梵安等狀。為整會國忌行香僧道立班等事。后批送禮部勘當。申尚書省撿會。先準都省批送下江州廬山東林太平興龍禪寺住持傳西天法特賜寶覺圓通法濟大師法道等劄子。整會上件事理。后批送禮部勘當。申尚書省本部尋撿會下項。僧史略今太宋每當朝集。僧先道后。並立殿庭。僧東道西。間雜副職。如過郊天。道左僧右。未知始起也。太常因革禮。乾德元年宣德門肆赦故事。道左僧右。嘉祐編敕條內。並該載僧道寺觀。立文為次
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本： 書祠部。紹興十三年（公元1143年）冬，因景靈宮（供奉趙氏祖先的宮殿）舉行儀式需要排列班次，爾行（人名）告示省符（尚書省下達的符牒）。臨安府（南宋都城所在地）管轄範圍內的掌管文籍的道士劉若謙等人，在紹興十三年十月初五日，向尚書省陳述，請求道士的位次在僧人之上。當月十二日，前往景靈宮奉安祖宗神御（祖先的神位），道士們擅自爭佔位次，班列在東邊，謊稱另有朝廷的指示。當時前都正普澄（僧官名），真凈慧濟大師善達（僧官名），僧正戒月（僧官名）等人，於是具狀陳列此事。當月二十一日，朝廷下旨批示，依照先前確定的祖宗舊法，即嘉祐年間編纂的敕令和紹興年間新編的書籍，以僧人在左。行文下達準許在尚書祠部執行。準都省（都堂，相當於宰相府）批送下本部的狀子，準都省批送下臨安府，都道正劉若謙等人的狀子，要求處理此事。現在因為大赦天下，僧道排列班次的事情，後來批示十月十五日送禮部，限定五日內詳細檢視后申告尚書省本部。不久行文下達太常寺（掌管禮儀的機構），檢視詳細情況。現在根據本寺的申告，查閱紹興三年十一月十四日都省批示的指揮，承蒙都省批送下禮部，又承蒙都省批送下臨安府僧正惠通無礙大師梵安（僧官名）等人的狀子，爲了整理國忌日行香時僧道排列班次等事宜，後來批示送禮部勘查，申告尚書省撿會。先前準都省批送下江州（今江西九江）廬山東林太平興龍禪寺住持傳西天法特賜寶覺圓通法濟大師法道（僧官名）的札子，整理會上這件事的道理，後來批示送禮部勘查，申告尚書省本部尋找相關條文。僧史略記載，太宋（指宋朝）每當朝會時，僧人先於道士，並且立於殿庭，僧人在東，道士在西，間雜著副職。如果遇到郊祭，道士在左，僧人在右，不知道從什麼時候開始的。太常因革禮記載，乾德元年（公元963年）宣德門大赦的舊例，道士在左，僧人在右。《嘉祐編敕》的條文內，都記載了僧道寺觀排列位次的依據。 English version: Document from the Ministry of Rites. Winter of the thirteenth year of the Shaoxing era (1143 AD). Due to the establishment of ranks at the Jingling Palace (palace for enshrining the Zhao family ancestors), Er Xing (personal name) issued a proclamation from the Provincial Secretariat. Liu Ruoqian and others, Taoists in charge of documents within the jurisdiction of Lin'an Prefecture (location of the Southern Song capital), submitted a petition to the Ministry of Rites on the fifth day of the tenth month of the thirteenth year of the Shaoxing era, requesting that the order of precedence for Taoists be above that of monks. On the twelfth day of that month, when going to Jingling Palace to enshrine the ancestral deities, the Taoists presumptuously contended for positions, ranking themselves on the east side, falsely claiming to have received separate imperial instructions. At that time, the former Chief Monk Pucheng (monk official title), Great Master Zhenjing Huiji Shandha (monk official title), and Monk Registrar Jieyue (monk official title), and others, then submitted a detailed account of the matter. On the twenty-first day of that month, the imperial court issued a decree, following the previously established ancestral laws, namely the edicts compiled during the Jiayou era and the newly compiled books of the Shaoxing era, with monks on the left. The document was issued for execution at the Ministry of Rites. The petition from the Provincial Secretariat (equivalent to the Prime Minister's Office) was approved and sent to this ministry, and the petition from the Provincial Secretariat was approved and sent to Lin'an Prefecture, regarding the petition from Taoist Chief Liu Ruoqian and others requesting that this matter be addressed. Now, regarding the matter of establishing the order of precedence for monks and Taoists during the general amnesty, a later instruction dated the fifteenth day of the tenth month was sent to the Ministry of Rites, requiring a detailed review within five days before reporting to the Ministry of Rites. Soon, a document was issued to the Court of Imperial Sacrifices (agency in charge of rituals) for detailed review. Now, according to the report from this court, referencing the directive approved by the Provincial Secretariat on the fourteenth day of the eleventh month of the third year of the Shaoxing era, the Provincial Secretariat approved and sent a petition from Great Master Huitong Wugai Fan'an (monk official title), the Monk Registrar of Lin'an Prefecture, and others to the Ministry of Rites, regarding the arrangement of ranks for monks and Taoists during national mourning incense offerings. Later, an instruction was sent to the Ministry of Rites for investigation and reporting to the Ministry of Rites. Previously, the Provincial Secretariat approved and sent a note from Master Fadao (monk official title), Abbot of the Taiping Xinglong Chan Monastery on Mount Lu in Jiangzhou (present-day Jiujiang, Jiangxi), specially granted the title of Baojue Yuantong Faji, who transmitted the Western Heaven Dharma, regarding the principles of the aforementioned matter. Later, an instruction was sent to the Ministry of Rites for investigation and reporting to the Ministry of Rites to find relevant clauses. The 'Brief History of Monks' records that during imperial assemblies in the Tai Song (referring to the Song Dynasty), monks preceded Taoists, and they stood in the palace courtyard, with monks on the east and Taoists on the west, interspersed with deputy officials. In the case of suburban sacrifices, Taoists were on the left and monks on the right, but the origin of this practice is unknown. The 'Tai Chang Yin Ge Li' records that during the general amnesty at Xuande Gate in the first year of the Qiande era (963 AD), Taoists were on the left and monks on the right. The clauses in the 'Jiayou Bianchi' all record the basis for the order of precedence for monks, Taoists, temples, and monasteries.
【English Translation】 Document from the Ministry of Rites. Winter of the thirteenth year of the Shaoxing era (1143 AD). Due to the establishment of ranks at the Jingling Palace (palace for enshrining the Zhao family ancestors), Er Xing (personal name) issued a proclamation from the Provincial Secretariat. Liu Ruoqian and others, Taoists in charge of documents within the jurisdiction of Lin'an Prefecture (location of the Southern Song capital), submitted a petition to the Ministry of Rites on the fifth day of the tenth month of the thirteenth year of the Shaoxing era, requesting that the order of precedence for Taoists be above that of monks. On the twelfth day of that month, when going to Jingling Palace to enshrine the ancestral deities, the Taoists presumptuously contended for positions, ranking themselves on the east side, falsely claiming to have received separate imperial instructions. At that time, the former Chief Monk Pucheng (monk official title), Great Master Zhenjing Huiji Shandha (monk official title), and Monk Registrar Jieyue (monk official title), and others, then submitted a detailed account of the matter. On the twenty-first day of that month, the imperial court issued a decree, following the previously established ancestral laws, namely the edicts compiled during the Jiayou era and the newly compiled books of the Shaoxing era, with monks on the left. The document was issued for execution at the Ministry of Rites. The petition from the Provincial Secretariat (equivalent to the Prime Minister's Office) was approved and sent to this ministry, and the petition from the Provincial Secretariat was approved and sent to Lin'an Prefecture, regarding the petition from Taoist Chief Liu Ruoqian and others requesting that this matter be addressed. Now, regarding the matter of establishing the order of precedence for monks and Taoists during the general amnesty, a later instruction dated the fifteenth day of the tenth month was sent to the Ministry of Rites, requiring a detailed review within five days before reporting to the Ministry of Rites. Soon, a document was issued to the Court of Imperial Sacrifices (agency in charge of rituals) for detailed review. Now, according to the report from this court, referencing the directive approved by the Provincial Secretariat on the fourteenth day of the eleventh month of the third year of the Shaoxing era, the Provincial Secretariat approved and sent a petition from Great Master Huitong Wugai Fan'an (monk official title), the Monk Registrar of Lin'an Prefecture, and others to the Ministry of Rites, regarding the arrangement of ranks for monks and Taoists during national mourning incense offerings. Later, an instruction was sent to the Ministry of Rites for investigation and reporting to the Ministry of Rites. Previously, the Provincial Secretariat approved and sent a note from Master Fadao (monk official title), Abbot of the Taiping Xinglong Chan Monastery on Mount Lu in Jiangzhou (present-day Jiujiang, Jiangxi), specially granted the title of Baojue Yuantong Faji, who transmitted the Western Heaven Dharma, regarding the principles of the aforementioned matter. Later, an instruction was sent to the Ministry of Rites for investigation and reporting to the Ministry of Rites to find relevant clauses. The 'Brief History of Monks' records that during imperial assemblies in the Tai Song (referring to the Song Dynasty), monks preceded Taoists, and they stood in the palace courtyard, with monks on the east and Taoists on the west, interspersed with deputy officials. In the case of suburban sacrifices, Taoists were on the left and monks on the right, but the origin of this practice is unknown. The 'Tai Chang Yin Ge Li' records that during the general amnesty at Xuande Gate in the first year of the Qiande era (963 AD), Taoists were on the left and monks on the right. The clauses in the 'Jiayou Bianchi' all record the basis for the order of precedence for monks, Taoists, temples, and monasteries.
。政和海行條內。並該載道僧觀寺。立文為次。並有正條。諸道士序位在僧之上。女冠子在尼之上。紹興海行條內。並該載僧道寺觀。立文為次。其道士序在僧之上。女冠子在尼之上。勘會前條已刪去不行。並取到太常寺。狀稱今看詳僧史略內稱。每當朝集。僧先道后。並立殿庭。僧東道西。間雜副職。並太常因革禮宣德門肆赦故事。道左僧右。其前件事各有文據。該載併合遵依。外所有僧道每遇國忌行香。尋撿準嘉祐編敕並紹興新書條內。並該載僧道寺觀。立文為次。今來法道理會行香立班。本寺今勘當。欲比附嘉祐編敕紹興條內。以僧在左。更合取自朝廷指揮。申部今參照嘉祐編敕並載僧道。其政和海行即稱道僧。及有道士序位在僧之上正條。緣今來紹興新書內卻依舊法。以僧道立文。並刪去道士序位在僧之上正條不行。本部令勘當。欲依太常寺勘當到事理施行。更合取自朝廷指揮。已於今年四月初四日。繳連先狀並僧史略一策。具申都省。未奉指揮。今又承批一僧梵安等狀。整會上件事理。今勘當欲依本部。已勘當事理施行。更合取自朝廷指揮申尚書省。后批十四日送禮部。依條施行。本寺今看詳。臨安府都正劉若謙等。敘陳僧道立位合依上件。已降批狀指揮施行。所有肆赦立班。合依太常因革禮宣德門肆赦故
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本 『政和海行條』中，應記載道僧觀寺的順序，並以此立文，且有明確規定，道士的位序在僧人之上，女冠在尼姑之上。『紹興海行條』中，也應記載僧道寺觀的順序，並以此立文，道士的位序在僧人之上，女冠在尼姑之上。經查閱，之前的條文已被刪除不再執行。並已取得太常寺的報告，稱現在查閱《僧史略》后發現，每當朝廷集會時，僧人在道士之前，殿庭站立時，僧人在東，道士在西，中間穿插其他副職。並且太常寺根據沿革禮制和宣德門大赦的慣例，道士在左，僧人在右。之前的事情各有文獻依據，應記載並遵照執行。此外，僧道每逢國忌日行香，查閱嘉祐編敕和紹興新書的條文，都應記載僧道寺觀的順序，並以此立文。現在法理寺要舉行行香儀式，本寺經過勘查，想要比照嘉祐編敕和紹興條文，以僧人在左。還應取得朝廷的指示。上報后，現在參照嘉祐編敕，其中記載僧道。而『政和海行』則稱道僧，並且有道士位序在僧人之上這一明確規定。因為現在紹興新書中卻依舊按照舊法，以僧道立文，並刪去了道士位序在僧人之上這一明確規定不再執行。本部命令勘查，想要依照太常寺勘查的事理施行，還應取得朝廷的指示。已於今年四月初四日，將之前的報告和《僧史略》一冊，一併上報都省，尚未得到指示。現在又收到僧人梵安等的報告，整理彙總了這件事理。現在勘查想要依照本部已經勘查的事理施行，還應取得朝廷的指示上報尚書省。之後批示十四日送禮部，依照條文施行。本寺現在查閱，臨安府都正劉若謙等，敘述陳述僧道站立的位置應依照上述檔案。已經下達批示指揮施行。所有大赦時站立的位置，應依照太常寺沿革禮制和宣德門大赦的慣例。
【English Translation】 English version In the 『Zhenghe Maritime Regulations』, the order of Daoist priests (Daoshi), Buddhist monks (Seng), Daoist temples (Guan), and Buddhist monasteries (Si) should be recorded, and documents should be established accordingly, with clear provisions that the rank of Daoist priests is above that of Buddhist monks, and female Daoist priests (Nüguan) are above Buddhist nuns (Ni). In the 『Shaoxing Maritime Regulations』, the order of Buddhist monks, Daoist priests, Buddhist monasteries, and Daoist temples should also be recorded, and documents should be established accordingly, with the rank of Daoist priests above that of Buddhist monks, and female Daoist priests above Buddhist nuns. Upon review, the previous regulations have been deleted and are no longer implemented. Furthermore, a report from the Taichang Temple (Imperial Ancestral Temple) has been obtained, stating that after reviewing the 『Brief History of Monks』 (Seng Shi Lüe), it was found that whenever the imperial court gathers, Buddhist monks precede Daoist priests, and when standing in the palace courtyard, Buddhist monks are on the east and Daoist priests are on the west, with other deputy officials interspersed. Moreover, according to the Taichang Temple's inherited rituals and the precedent of the Xuande Gate amnesty, Daoist priests are on the left and Buddhist monks are on the right. The previous matters each have documentary evidence, which should be recorded and followed. In addition, whenever Buddhist monks and Daoist priests perform incense offerings on national memorial days, upon reviewing the Jia You Compilation and the Shaoxing New Book regulations, the order of Buddhist monks, Daoist priests, Buddhist monasteries, and Daoist temples should be recorded, and documents should be established accordingly. Now that the Fali Temple is to hold an incense offering ceremony, this temple, after investigation, intends to follow the Jia You Compilation and the Shaoxing regulations, with Buddhist monks on the left. Instructions from the imperial court should also be obtained. After reporting, now referring to the Jia You Compilation, which records Buddhist monks and Daoist priests. However, the 『Zhenghe Maritime Regulations』 refer to Daoist priests and Buddhist monks, and there is a clear provision that the rank of Daoist priests is above that of Buddhist monks. Because now the Shaoxing New Book still follows the old method, establishing documents with Buddhist monks and Daoist priests, and the clear provision that the rank of Daoist priests is above that of Buddhist monks has been deleted and is no longer implemented. This department ordered an investigation, intending to implement the matters investigated by the Taichang Temple, and instructions from the imperial court should also be obtained. On the fourth day of the fourth month of this year, the previous report and a copy of the 『Brief History of Monks』 were submitted to the capital province, but no instructions have been received. Now, a report from the Buddhist monk Fan An and others has been received, summarizing the matters. Now, the investigation intends to implement the matters already investigated by this department, and instructions from the imperial court should also be obtained and reported to the Ministry of Rites (Shangshu Sheng). Later, it was instructed to send it to the Ministry of Rites on the fourteenth day, to be implemented according to the regulations. This temple now reviews that Liu Ruoqian, the capital administrator of Lin'an Prefecture, and others, narrate that the standing positions of Buddhist monks and Daoist priests should be in accordance with the above documents. Instructions have been issued to implement. All standing positions during the amnesty should be in accordance with the Taichang Temple's inherited rituals and the precedent of the Xuande Gate amnesty.
事。道在左僧在右。更合取自朝廷指揮。伏乞省部更賜詳指揮施行。申部本部今看詳。欲依大常寺申到事理施行。更合取自朝廷指揮。申都省。后批十月二十一日送禮部。依看詳到事理施行。須至指揮。右差人鄭彥。仰告示道正劉若謙等。詳此知委。仍取知委文狀連申。紹興十三年十月 日。仍符軍府。行下僧司。除宣德門肆赦。外余時立班並僧在左訖。
佛者號天人師。稱慈悲父。聖中至聖。道超千聖之前。天中之天。德邁諸天之上。所以天尊仰奉。釋梵將迎。一佛化境之中三千界內。莫不尊奉于佛者也。如天子巡幸于諸侯之國。豈有列士之官不朝于萬乘者也。正要分其先後。理當辨白尊卑。茍知凡聖道殊。貴免金鉛同價。道術不逾于萬里。佛心廣化塵沙。當取則于達士通人。勿固執于屋愚管見。而況佛先道后。具載於群籍。佛聖道凡。今古之共悉也。汝宜息妄歸真舍邪投正。迴心學佛。真正修行。消除幻妄之緣。解脫輪迴之苦。佛會中常為善。伴菩提路。共結真修。高超世表而出凡。契證真如而入聖。無以我慢自高。僻執邪妄。而虛生浪死曠劫升沉。不能自救也。悲哉。
紹興朝旨改正僧道班列文字一集(終)
【現代漢語翻譯】 現代漢語譯本 事情。道士在左，僧人在右。更應該聽從朝廷的指揮。懇請省部再次詳細指揮施行。申部：本部現在詳細審查，想要依照大常寺所申報的事理施行。更應該聽從朝廷的指揮。申都省。之後批示：十月二十一日送禮部。依照審查到的事理施行。必須要有指揮。右邊派遣鄭彥。告知道正劉若謙等人。詳細瞭解此事。仍然要取得知委文狀一併上報。紹興十三年十月某日。仍然符告軍府。下行至僧司。除了宣德門大赦之外，其餘時候站班都按照僧人在左的順序排列完畢。
佛被稱為天人師（指佛是天人和人類的導師），被稱為慈悲父（指佛具有慈悲之心，如同父親一般）。是聖人中最聖的，道超越所有聖人之前。是天中之天，德行超越所有天之上。所以天尊仰慕奉行，釋天、梵天都來迎接。一佛所教化的境界之中，三千大千世界之內，沒有不尊敬奉佛的。如同天子巡視諸侯的國度，難道會有列士之官不來朝拜天子嗎？正要分清先後順序，理應辨別尊卑。如果知道凡人和聖人的道路不同，就應該避免將黃金和鉛以同樣的價格看待。道術不能超越萬里，佛心卻能廣為教化無盡的眾生。應當傚法通達事理的人，不要固執于狹隘的見解。更何況佛在道之前，都記載在各種典籍之中。佛是聖人，道是凡人，這是自古至今大家都知道的。你應該停止虛妄，迴歸真實，捨棄邪惡，投向正道。迴心向佛，真正修行。消除虛幻的因緣，解脫輪迴的痛苦。在佛的集會中常常行善，與菩提之路為伴，共同結成真正的修行，超越世俗而出離凡塵，契合證悟真如而進入聖境。不要因為我慢而自高自大，偏執于邪妄，而虛度一生，白白死去，在漫長的劫數中沉淪，不能自救。可悲啊。
紹興朝旨改正僧道班列文字一集(終)
【English Translation】 English version Affair. Taoists on the left, monks on the right. It is even more appropriate to take command from the imperial court. I humbly request the provincial departments to issue more detailed instructions for implementation. Shen Department: This department is now reviewing in detail, intending to implement according to the matters reported by the Grand Court of Sacrifices. It is even more appropriate to take command from the imperial court. Report to the Metropolitan Province. Later instruction: Sent to the Ministry of Rites on the 21st day of the tenth month. Implement according to the matters reviewed. There must be an instruction. Zheng Yan is dispatched to the right. Inform Taoist Master Liu Ruoqian and others. Understand this matter in detail. Still need to obtain a written acknowledgment and report it together. Tenth month of the thirteenth year of Shaoxing. Still notify the military government. Issue to the Sangha Office. Except for the amnesty at Xuande Gate, the standing ranks at other times are all arranged with monks on the left.
The Buddha is called the 'Teacher of Gods and Humans' (Tianren Shi), referred to as the 'Compassionate Father' (Ci Bei Fu). The most sacred among the saints, the Tao surpasses all saints before. The heaven of heavens, virtue surpasses all heavens above. Therefore, the heavenly honored ones admire and follow, Shakra (Shi) and Brahma (Fan) welcome. Within the realm transformed by a Buddha, within the three thousand great chiliocosms, there is none who does not respect and venerate the Buddha. Just as the Son of Heaven inspects the countries of the feudal lords, how can there be officials who do not pay homage to the emperor? It is necessary to distinguish the order of precedence, and it is right to distinguish between the noble and the humble. If one knows that the paths of ordinary people and saints are different, one should avoid treating gold and lead at the same price. Taoist arts cannot surpass ten thousand miles, but the Buddha's heart can widely transform countless beings. One should take example from those who are knowledgeable and understanding, and not be stubborn with narrow views. Moreover, the Buddha is before the Tao, which is recorded in various books. The Buddha is a saint, and the Tao is ordinary, which is known to everyone from ancient times to the present. You should stop delusion and return to truth, abandon evil and turn to righteousness. Turn your heart to the Buddha and truly practice. Eliminate illusory causes and conditions, and liberate yourself from the suffering of reincarnation. Often do good deeds in the Buddha's assembly, accompany the path of Bodhi, and together form true practice, transcending the world and leaving the mundane, conforming to the realization of Suchness and entering the realm of sainthood. Do not be arrogant and conceited because of your pride, and do not be biased towards evil and delusion, but waste your life, die in vain, sink in endless kalpas, and be unable to save yourself. Alas.
A Collection of Texts on Correcting the Order of Monks and Taoists in the Shaoxing Dynasty (End)